Piñon Post

Dems gerrymandered NM beyond recognition—Now crying about TX maps

As the national redistricting battle escalates, New Mexico has emerged as one of the most glaring examples of partisan gerrymandering—drawing renewed attention to the state’s congressional maps crafted by Democrats during the last redistricting cycle. While Texas Republicans face criticism for efforts to redraw maps in their favor ahead of the 2026 elections, what’s being ignored by many in the media is that Democrats in states like New Mexico and Illinois have already executed aggressive power grabs of their own.

In 2021, New Mexico Democrats used their legislative majority to redraw the state’s congressional districts in a way that dramatically altered political representation. The new map carved up conservative-leaning areas and created districts sprawling across vast and unrelated parts of the state, allowing Democrats to gain control of all three of New Mexico’s congressional seats. The most extreme example is the Third Congressional District, which now stretches from the southeastern city of Hobbs to the Four Corners region in the northwest—a drive that takes over eight hours and 35 minutes. The district covers radically different economic and cultural regions, making coherent representation nearly impossible. Communities of interest were fractured, and rural voices were diluted, all to ensure a Democrat stronghold.

This approach mirrors what far-left Democrats in Illinois did when they designed a map that created a 14-3 advantage in the state’s congressional delegation. In both states, political expediency—not fair representation—was the guiding principle. While Democrats in New Mexico loudly decry gerrymandering elsewhere, they executed the same strategy they now condemn.

The New Mexico map is also under scrutiny for its reliance on racial considerations in the line-drawing process. The Supreme Court recently announced it will rehear a case out of Louisiana that challenges the constitutionality of creating majority-minority districts using race as the primary factor. That decision could directly impact states like New Mexico, where race-based gerrymandering may be subject to strict judicial review.

Meanwhile, Democrats in Texas are traveling the country to sound the alarm about what they call Republican efforts to suppress minority votes through redistricting. A group of Texas House Democrats recently met with New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham in Santa Fe to rally support for their cause. Texas Rep. Joe Moody claimed, “Right now in Texas, there is a political power grab coming from Washington, D.C., coming from the Trump White House to dismantle districts, to racially gerrymander districts, disenfranchising brown and Black Texans.”

Moody and his colleagues warned that redistricting battles in Texas are not isolated incidents, and that they could set a precedent for other states. Yet there was no mention of the fact that Democrats in New Mexico already redrew maps that broke up conservative and rural communities while artificially stacking others to secure safe Democrat seats.

While media and Democrat leaders label Republican-led redistricting efforts as “assaults on democracy,” they have remained largely silent on similar, and in nearly all cases worse, gerrymandering moves by their own party. Republicans in Texas are now doing exactly what Democrats in New Mexico have already done: redrawing maps with unashamed political motivation. The only difference is who’s holding the pen.

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ABQ restaurant apologizes after server gets physical with GOP chair

What was intended to be a routine gathering of the New Mexico Young Republicans turned into a tense and dramatic incident Tuesday night at Mimi’s Cafe in Albuquerque, prompting swift condemnation from GOP leaders and a public response from the restaurant’s upper management.

According to a series of posts by the Republican Party of New Mexico (RPNM) on X (formerly Twitter), the meeting — attended by party Chairwoman Amy Barela and Executive Director Leticia Muñoz — was interrupted by two restaurant servers who allegedly began clearing tables and “closing tickets yelling above the speakers,” despite the venue’s posted closing time of 9:00 p.m.

“The meeting was held at Mimi’s Cafe. In the middle of the meeting, two servers began clearing tables and closing tickets yelling above the speakers,” RPNM posted. “The venue didn’t close until 9, but it seems they wanted us out by 7:30.”

Executive Director Muñoz reportedly confronted the servers about the disruptive behavior. “Leticia Muñoz commented to the server about how bad the service was and how rude they were being to interrupt the meeting,” the GOP post continues. “In response, the server as seen on video, began yelling that the group was speaking over the other server. The server then noticed she was being video recorded by the Chairwoman and proceeded to rush at her aggressively slapping the phone out of her hand committing battery according to Albuquerque Police Officers.”

Chairwoman Barela was reportedly recording the disruptive behavior when the altercation occurred. The GOP emphasized the incident as both a physical offense and an example of political hostility, stating, “This is just another example of out of control crime in Albuquerque, not to mention the typical attempt to silence opposing views.”

The post continued with a broader critique: “It’s time to go back to the basics of teaching kindness, respect and customer service if that is the field you choose to work in. The NM Young Republicans are working hard to educate and empower the youth of NM and do not deserve to be treated this way.”

Less than 24 hours after the incident, RPNM shared an update indicating that Mimi’s Cafe upper management had reached out to the organization directly. “RPNM is very grateful to have received two calls today from Mimi’s Cafe upper management,” the GOP stated in a follow-up post. “They voiced serious concern having never seen this type of behavior and priding themselves with a customer-oriented establishment.”

The restaurant is said to have invited the group to return and offered individual gift cards to Chairwoman Barela and Executive Director Muñoz as a gesture of goodwill. “We hope that the current employees who make Mimi’s Cafe a great place to eat are in a better place by letting those two servers go,” the GOP added.

The party ended the update on a tongue-in-cheek note, encouraging supporters to dine at the restaurant: “Let’s Make Mimi’s Great Again!”

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It’s happening: Lujan Grisham to call special session to pick political fights

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham is preparing to call a special legislative session in late August or early September, and one of the top items on her agenda could cost New Mexico thousands of high-paying jobs. According to her top legal adviser, Holly Agajanian, the governor intends to revive legislation aimed at prohibiting counties from contracting with federal agencies to operate private immigration detention facilities — a move that would effectively shutter three major centers in Torrance, Cibola, and Otero counties.

These privately operated facilities currently employ thousands of New Mexicans in rural communities where good-paying jobs are already scarce. Their closure would be an economic gut punch to working families and a blow to county budgets that rely on intergovernmental service agreements with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

Despite the high stakes, the governor appears determined to prioritize this political fight over more urgent bipartisan concerns, such as rising crime and needed reforms to New Mexico’s juvenile justice system.

“This is not necessarily an exhaustive list for a special session call, but it reflects the governor’s current concerns,” said Lujan Grisham spokesman Michael Coleman.

Legislation to ban local governments from partnering with ICE for civil detention previously passed the House 35-25 but died in a Senate committee. The bill would effectively outlaw the agreements that currently allow ICE to use New Mexico facilities to detain individuals for civil immigration violations.

Critics have blasted the move as a dangerous example of putting politics before people. Sen. Crystal Brantley, R-Elephant Butte, said, “Our president has taken illegal immigration to the lowest numbers ever, but here we are finding a way to use taxpayer dollars to pick a fight with the administration for cheap political points. Meanwhile, we’re leaving serious bipartisan juvenile justice reform efforts out in the cold.”

“I’m deeply upset yet not surprised that this is shaping up to be another special session of hot air,” Brantley added.

Even Democrats voiced skepticism. Sen. Joseph Cervantes, D-Las Cruces, warned that the legislation may be more symbolic than effective. “If we shut down the New Mexico beds, they’re just going to send them somewhere else,” he said, noting that federal detainees would simply be transferred to facilities in other states.

Still, some progressives continue to push the agenda. Sen. Antoinette Sedillo Lopez, D-Albuquerque, who has repeatedly tried to enter the facilities unannounced and been denied, said, “I think the government should not be complicit with detaining people in this way.” She claimed the facilities are not subject to proper state oversight due to their federal contracts. The vice-chair of the committee, Christine Chandler, even compared these facilities to terrorism.

The governor also intends to use the special session to address health care and food assistance programs, citing concerns over federal budget changes that could impact over 90,000 New Mexicans’ health coverage and reduce support for approximately 460,000 SNAP recipients, despite cuts (which include for people who refuse to work and criminal aliens), goes into effect at earliest next year on a phased-in basis. Yet critics argue that the session is once again shaping up to reflect the governor’s political agenda, not the state’s most pressing needs.

This would mark Lujan Grisham’s seventh special session since taking office in 2019. Her last attempt to push a crime package in a special session ended in failure, with lawmakers adjourning after just five hours and rejecting most of her proposals. She later scolded the Legislature for what she called an “embarrassing” performance.

With her latest proposal, the governor risks repeating that history—this time at the cost of New Mexico jobs and public safety.

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Meet the woman taking on one of NM’s most powerful Democrat lawmakers

Julia Ruiz, a working-class New Mexican and proud mother who became a U.S. citizen in 2018, has announced her campaign for State Representative in New Mexico House District 36, aiming to unseat Democratic incumbent Nathan Small, whom critics increasingly view as out of touch with the values of southern New Mexico. Small is the chairman of the powerful House Appropriations Committee.

Ruiz, who has lived in Doña Ana County for more than 30 years, is launching a grassroots campaign focused on restoring practical leadership and local voice to a district long dominated by progressive politics. She says her decision to run stems from frustration with the status quo in Santa Fe, where she believes everyday New Mexicans are being sidelined by elites pushing a one-size-fits-all agenda.

“I’m not a politician—I’m a mother, a worker, and a citizen who’s had enough of the broken promises and power plays by officials who believe they know better than the people they serve,” Ruiz said. “Our schools are failing, crime is on the rise, and families are struggling to stay afloat. These problems didn’t just happen—they’re the direct result of failed leadership and misplaced priorities.”

Ruiz’s campaign is expected to strike a stark contrast with that of Nathan Small, who has represented District 36 since 2017 and is widely seen as a loyal foot soldier for far-left causes in the Legislature. Small has voted in favor of sweeping progressive policies, including legislation that blocks parental notification in schools on issues related to gender identity. He has also supported tax hikes, anti-gun legislation, and expanded government regulation on small businesses.

State Rep. Nathan Small (D-Las Cruces)

As a former Sierra Club operative before running for office, Small’s environmental activism has often taken precedence over economic development in a region in need of jobs and infrastructure. Critics argue that his alliance with progressive special interests has left rural and working-class families behind.

Ruiz, by contrast, promises to put working families first. “Las Cruces deserves better,” she said. “I’m stepping forward because our community needs someone who understands struggle, values hard work, and won’t back down. I’m ready to be that advocate.”

Her platform includes strong support for parental rights in education, pushing back against government overreach, defending small businesses from excessive regulation, and ensuring that taxpayers see real results from their contributions—not more bureaucracy.

Born in Delicias, Chihuahua, Ruiz was raised on a ranch in Lybrook, NM and settled in Artesia before moving to Las Cruces in 1993 as a young mother. She worked full-time while raising two daughters, giving her firsthand knowledge of the challenges facing New Mexico’s working families. Becoming a U.S. citizen in 2018, she now seeks to give back through public service built on grit, accountability, and community values.

More information about her campaign is available at juliafornm.com.

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Powerful Democrat accused of red-faced rage at staffer

One of New Mexico’s most powerful lawmakers, Senate President Pro Tempore Mimi Stewart, is facing serious scrutiny following a legislative ethics hearing on Friday, where investigators presented evidence that the veteran Albuquerque Democrat verbally berated a staffer during the 2024 legislative session.

The accusation stems from a February 27 incident involving Michelle Jaschke, who coordinates capital outlay programs for the Legislative Council Service. According to testimony, Jaschke emailed Sen. Stewart’s office after the deadline for capital requests, inquiring whether the senator had submitted her required documentation. What followed, according to Jaschke, was a barrage of hostility.

Special counsel Lorna Wiggins, who conducted the harassment investigation, told the Legislative Ethics Subcommittee that Jaschke received a reply email from Stewart in all capital letters — a format Jaschke interpreted as “screaming.” Minutes later, Stewart allegedly followed up with a phone call, during which she shouted and called Jaschke “stupid.”

“She described the call as a verbal attack,” Wiggins said. “The encounter affected her so deeply that she was unable to work the next day, citing both mental and physical distress.”

Wiggins, a labor and employment attorney, determined Stewart’s conduct fell within the Legislature’s anti-harassment policy, which broadly defines harassment as behavior a reasonable person would find “insulting, intimidating, humiliating, or degrading.”

Sen. Stewart’s attorney, Ray Vargas, acknowledged the lawmaker’s actions were inappropriate. “She wasn’t just impolite — she was downright rude,” he admitted. But he insisted the incident didn’t meet the legal threshold for harassment. “This was an unfortunate outburst in a high-stress situation, not an act of intimidation or coercion.”

Vargas explained the context: Stewart had submitted nearly $4 million in capital outlay requests on time for her district, one of the poorest in the state. When she received an email suggesting the forms were missing, she lost her temper. “She was beside herself,” Vargas said.

Former Supreme Court Justice Richard Bosson, who chairs the subcommittee, emphasized the group’s role is to determine whether a violation of the Legislature’s anti-harassment policy occurred and whether sanctions should be recommended. A formal written order is expected soon.

In a statement read aloud during the hearing, Stewart expressed regret. “I believe it’s important that we legislators treat everyone with kindness and respect, especially our staff,” she wrote. “I failed to do that. I apologized to Michelle, and I’m now seeing a counselor to help ensure I handle stressful moments better in the future.”

The subcommittee concluded its deliberations in executive session. A final decision on possible disciplinary action is expected to be made public in the coming days.

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Republican announces bid to unseat Stansbury

In a bold challenge to the far-left status quo in New Mexico’s First Congressional District, Rio Rancho pharmacist and small business owner Ndidiamaka “Didi” Okpareke has officially announced her candidacy for Congress as a Republican, setting her sights on defeating Democrat incumbent Melanie Stansbury in the 2026 election.

Okpareke, a first-generation American and proud New Mexican since 1997, brings a unique blend of real-world experience, conservative values, and a no-nonsense approach to problem-solving. The daughter of Nigerian immigrants who fled the devastation of the Biafran war in pursuit of the American dream, Okpareke’s story is one of grit, faith, and resilience. She attended Sandia High School, graduated from the University of New Mexico, and went on to become a licensed pharmacist. In 2016, she took a leap of faith and launched her own small business, Olive Tree Compounding Pharmacy, where she works daily to craft personalized health solutions for her customers.

Now, after nearly three decades in the Albuquerque area, Okpareke says enough is enough.

“New Mexicans are fed up,” said Okpareke. “We’re facing sky-high crime, economic uncertainty, collapsing public education, and a healthcare system in flux. But instead of working across the aisle to actually fix anything, Melanie Stansbury would rather film sound bites on the House floor to boost her social media following. That’s not leadership—it’s narcissism. And New Mexicans deserve better.”

As a mother of three boys, Okpareke says the stakes are personal. She warns that the American dream her parents risked everything to chase is slipping further out of reach—especially in New Mexico, where crime is rampant, businesses are burdened by overregulation, and leftist policies are failing children in the classroom.

“We are living in a New Mexico nightmare,” Okpareke said. “Families like mine are worried that our kids will inherit a state with fewer opportunities, more danger, and fewer freedoms. We need to turn things around now.”

Her message to voters is clear: it’s time to replace empty progressive posturing with bold conservative action.

“As a business owner, I’ve learned that when you want something done right, sometimes you have to do it yourself,” Okpareke added. “That’s why I’m running for Congress. I’ll bring common sense to Washington and fight to protect the values that make this country worth fighting for—faith, family, freedom, and opportunity.”

With a background rooted in hard work, a deep connection to New Mexico, and a passion for restoring the promise of the American dream, Okpareke is positioning herself as the conservative fighter ready to deliver results—not rhetoric—for New Mexicans. Find out more about Okpareke at her website linked here.

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‘God is not being taken away’? Doña Ana County kills public prayer in 4–1 vote

A centuries-old tradition grounded in American history and constitutional protection was dealt a blow Tuesday, July 22, as the Doña Ana County Commission voted 4–1 to eliminate public prayer from its meetings. The decision rescinds Resolution 2018-25, which had formally allowed invocations from community members, including faith leaders, medical personnel, and first responders.

Since 2018, nearly every county meeting began with a moment of prayer—an act affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court in Town of Greece v. Galloway, which held that ceremonial invocations do not violate the Establishment Clause so long as they remain voluntary and inclusive. But on Tuesday, commissioners argued the practice might appear exclusive or divisive. Critics say they offered no credible evidence to back the claims, instead bowing to pressure from secular activists and fringe voices seeking to erase faith from public life.

Chairman Christopher Schaljo-Hernandez acknowledged the unusually high turnout for the meeting. “We passed a $387 million budget without a single public comment,” he noted. “But tonight, because prayer is on the agenda, we’ve had overwhelming participation.” Twenty-one residents spoke on the matter, with comments sharply divided.

Former Commissioner Isabella Solis, who frequently delivered invocations herself, told the board, “Evangelical and Catholic communities significantly shape our county. You have a profound responsibility to reflect the values and beliefs of your constituents.”

Conservative leaders blasted the vote. Amy Barela, Chairwoman of the Republican Party of New Mexico, said, “Doña Ana County’s decision to eliminate public prayer is a blatant erosion of constitutional freedoms. This is not about neutrality—it’s about silencing faith. The First Amendment protects the free exercise of religion, not the forced absence of it.”

Jodi Hendricks, Executive Director of New Mexico Family Action Movement, echoed that concern: “This vote reflects a growing misunderstanding of both the Constitution and the role of faith in public life. We will continue to stand with New Mexicans who value faith, freedom, and the First Amendment.”

While some critics of the invocation policy claimed it was inherently exclusive, the data tells a different story. According to the county, 71% of invocations were Christian, 7% Catholic, 5% Jewish, and 3% nondenominational. One Native American ceremony in 2024 drew backlash, highlighting the difficult balance between inclusion and intolerance.

Commissioner Susana Chaparro was the only dissenting vote. “Prayer doesn’t have to name a religion to be meaningful,” she said. “We shouldn’t throw away a respectful tradition because of a few bad-faith actors.”

Other commissioners, including Manuel Sanchez and Gloria Gameros, argued for a moment of silence as an alternative, suggesting it offered a more “neutral” approach. Gameros insisted, “God is not being taken away… people can pray silently.”

But to many residents, the vote represents something deeper: a shift away from the moral foundations that shaped the nation. “This isn’t about a moment of silence,” said one local pastor. “It’s about pushing God out of government, one meeting at a time.”

The controversy is far from over. Faith-based advocates and constitutional watchdogs are already mobilizing to challenge what they see as an unnecessary and discriminatory reversal of religious freedom. For many, Doña Ana County has become the latest battleground in a growing national fight to defend faith in the public square.

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Government programs failing miserably as NM youth crisis deepens: Report

A new report from WalletHub confirms what many New Mexicans have seen firsthand: the state is failing its young people. Ranking third in the nation for most at-risk youth, New Mexico continues to suffer from a toxic mix of academic decline, drug use, poverty, and youth disengagement. The study, which analyzed all 50 states and Washington, D.C., looked at 15 indicators of youth risk—from dropout rates to drug abuse—and found New Mexico near the bottom in nearly every category.

The state, ran almost exclusively by Democrats for nearly a century, ranked #1 for the percentage of youth without a high school diploma, and #7 for disconnected youth—those neither working nor in school. Combine that with a top-5 ranking in youth drug use and obesity, and it paints a bleak picture for the next generation. Despite numerous government programs and increasing education budgets, there appears to be little improvement in outcomes for the very people these systems claim to serve.

More troubling still is that New Mexico ranks #10 for youth poverty and #19 for youth homelessness, illustrating that despite years of increased funding for “anti-poverty” and “youth engagement” initiatives, many young people remain directionless and vulnerable. These aren’t just numbers—they represent a growing population of young Americans who are falling through the cracks, with very real consequences for the state’s future economic stability and social well-being.

The national average for disconnected youth stands around 13%, but in states like New Mexico and Louisiana—the latter of which ranked worst overall—the rate is even higher. The second-worst state was Mississippi. According to WalletHub analyst Chip Lupo, “A high share of youth who are not working, not getting education and generally stagnating in life can spell trouble for the future.”

While WalletHub’s panel of academic experts advocates for more “culturally relevant” programs, increased community engagement, and expanded social services, the evidence suggests that the ongoing expansion of bureaucracy and government involvement has only exacerbated the problem. With many of these initiatives focused more on political correctness than practical results, New Mexico’s youth are stuck in a system that offers plenty of ideology but few real-world skills or opportunities.

The reality is that young people don’t need more empty programming—they need clear expectations, strong families, and access to real job training and educational standards that prepare them for adult life. Parents, not agencies or activist nonprofits, remain the most crucial factor in ensuring that kids stay in school, find work, and build purpose in their lives. As one expert put it, “authoritative parenting”—a combination of support and discipline—is still the gold standard.

Rather than expanding failed programs or pushing new “youth empowerment” initiatives riddled with ideological jargon, New Mexico would do better by holding its institutions accountable and promoting individual responsibility, real academic achievement, and job readiness. Without a severe course correction, the state risks continuing this generational failure—one that leaves young people unprepared and taxpayers on the hook for the consequences.

View the full WalletHub report here

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Stansbury scrambles to explain link to Ghislaine Maxwell amid public scrutiny

Far-left Democrat U.S. Rep. Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico’s First District is scrambling to rewrite her own history after official documents linked her to a nonprofit once led by convicted sex trafficker Ghislaine Maxwell, longtime associate of Jeffrey Epstein.

The controversy began when the Piñon Post credibly and factually reported on a 2021 financial disclosure form filed by Stansbury during her campaign for Congress. The document, submitted on February 19, 2021, listed “Terramar Project – Woburn, MA” as one of her former employers.

That name and location match exactly with the TerraMar Project, a now-defunct nonprofit founded and led by Maxwell. The organization gained notoriety for its ties to Epstein and its sudden closure just days after his 2019 arrest on sex trafficking charges. Maxwell was later convicted for her role in trafficking and grooming underage girls.

In response, Stansbury’s team told the Santa Fe New Mexican amid questions to issue a statement dismissing the report as a “lie” and “100% false.” Her spokesperson, Caroline Sweeney, claimed the listing was due to a “computing error” by campaign staff who had “mistakenly clicked on an auto-populated field” when entering her financial information into the House system.

But public records and House ethics rules cast serious doubt on that explanation.

According to the official 2021 House Financial Disclosure Instruction Guide, filers must manually enter each employer when completing the form. There are no dropdowns or auto-filled fields that could “accidentally” insert “Terramar Project – Woburn, MA” into the record. 

“Filers must input their reportable information the first time… the system then retains this information for future filings,” the guide states.

Also, no other congressional candidate or individual required to file such a form has ever entered TerraMar in Woburn, Massachusetts before, making the story even more implausible.

Even more telling: Stansbury had already listed “Terramar Consulting Group – Santa Fe” correctly on a 2020 New Mexico state disclosure. That means she knew the correct employer name — and chose something else in her federal filing.

Only after the Rio Grande Foundation filed a public complaint linking the disclosure to Maxwell did Stansbury amend her form. On April 21, 2021, she quietly changed it to say “Terramar Consulting Group – Santa Fe, NM.” Then, in a 2022 disclosure, she listed a third variation: “Terramar, Inc.,” another Santa Fe entity, which had been incorporated and dissolved by Cristina Mormorunni — behind the “Terramar” entity in Santa Fe — and campaign donor to Stansbury.

Stansbury’s team alleges the Democrat U.S. representative helped with a project sponsored by the Hewlett Foundation, but no such report or documentation has any trace of Stansbury whatsoever that can be publicly identified.

Facts show that Stansbury’s evolving story doesn’t pass the smell test.

House ethics rules make clear that Stansbury is personally responsible for the accuracy of her filings — staff cannot be blamed for errors.

Until she provides documentation — such as contracts, pay stubs, or client letters — proving she worked exclusively for a local “Santa Fe” firm without any ties to Maxwell’s entity, the original disclosure stands as the most credible account of her consulting past.

For now, one thing is certain: the only person who connected Melanie Stansbury to Ghislaine Maxwell’s nonprofit was Melanie Stansbury herself.

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Another Dem declares candidacy for lt. gov. nomination in crowded primary

In a political environment dominated by big-city progressives and career insiders, Jackie Lee Onsuarez is pitching himself as a rural, working-class alternative in the 2026 race for New Mexico lieutenant governor.

Onsuarez, 58, currently serves as a senior staff specialist at the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP), a vital federal facility tied to New Mexico’s energy economy. He’s also nearing the end of his first term as mayor pro tem on the Loving Village Council, where he represents about 1,200 constituents — many of whom feel forgotten by Santa Fe elites.

“I’m an advocate for the people,” Onsuarez said in an interview with Source NM. “I bring to the executive branch a set of diversified skills that nobody has there.”

Despite his alignment with the Democrat Party, Onsuarez strikes a populist tone that sharply contrasts with the far-left progressives who dominate the Capitol. He’s running, he says, because “embedded Democrats and Republicans” have turned a blind eye to rural communities and practical concerns like infrastructure, health care, and crime.

His resume includes international experience working in chemical plant construction across Saudi Arabia, India, China, and the U.K., as well as a master’s degree in electrical engineering from the New Mexico Institute of Mining and Technology. He also served by gubernatorial appointment on the New Mexico Emergency Response Commission, adding emergency management credentials to his portfolio.

This makes him an unusual figure in a field dominated by left-wing politicians more interested in identity politics than the nuts and bolts of governance.

In fact, Onsuarez enters a crowded Democrat primary alongside two well-known far-left figures: current State Land Commissioner Stephanie Garcia Richard, who is term-limited, and State Sen. Harold Pope, a progressive from Albuquerque. Both are deeply entrenched in the Santa Fe political machine, and both have built careers by pushing policies that often alienate rural New Mexicans — particularly those tied to the oil and gas industry.

Onsuarez, by contrast, embraces his Southeast New Mexico roots. “I’m the Democrat that lives in New Mexic, where at least 35% of the revenues are generated for New Mexico’s general fund,” he said. “We rural New Mexicans need a seat at that table.”

That table, of course, is currently dominated by urban leftists pushing climate mandates and anti-industry policies — many of which threaten the economic livelihood of the very regions Onsuarez represents.

While he has not yet raised or spent campaign funds, Onsuarez says his experience in small-town government has equipped him to preside over the state Senate, where the lieutenant governor plays a key procedural role.

“I’ve written laws that I tried to introduce, but they didn’t get very far,” he said. “I’ve written a lot of ordinances, and I’ve worked closely with our legal department. I certainly have the expertise to be able to learn something — and with respect to presiding over the Senate, I have the skill set to do it.”

Onsuarez isn’t endorsing any gubernatorial candidate yet, distancing himself from the three leftist names in the Democrat race: Interior Secretary Deb Haaland, Bernalillo County DA Sam Bregman, and ex-Las Cruces Mayor Ken Miyagashima.

Meanwhile, the Republican field is also taking shape, with Rio Rancho Mayor Gregg Hull leading the GOP ticket for governor. Manuel Lardizabal is the only declared Republican running for lieutenant governor so far, though more conservatives are expected to enter the race.

Whether Onsuarez can survive a Democrat primary increasingly dominated by radical urban progressives remains to be seen — but his campaign may highlight growing fractures within the party between rural pragmatists and Santa Fe ideologues.

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