Politics

NM makes national headlines after Dem judge tied to gang suspect resigns

25 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Doña Ana County Magistrate Judge Joel Cano has officially resigned amid swirling controversy surrounding a federal investigation into a Venezuelan national linked to a violent transnational gang who was arrested at the judge’s Las Cruces home.

Cano, who has served on the bench since 2011, submitted his resignation on March 3 without citing a reason. However, the move came just days after federal agents raided a property owned by Cano and his wife, Nancy, arresting 23-year-old Cristhian Ortega-Lopez, a man currently facing federal firearm charges and under scrutiny for alleged ties to the notorious Tren de Aragua gang. The case has since drawn national attention, with outlets such as Fox News, Newsweek, The Daily Caller, and New York Post picking up the story. Even the British Daily Mail has reported on the incident.

In his resignation letter, Cano wrote, “Working with each of you has been a very rewarding experience for which I will remain eternally grateful.” His last day on the job was March 21, the same day he held his final hearings, according to court records.

The arrest has ignited concern over how a man accused of gang affiliation and illegal firearm possession came to reside on property owned by a sitting judge. Homeland Security Investigations executed a search warrant on Feb. 28 at the Cano residence, where Ortega-Lopez was found. Agents also retrieved four firearms from a nearby house owned by April Cano, Nancy Cano’s daughter, according to court documents.

A criminal complaint alleges that Ortega-Lopez admitted to handling and firing these weapons, and prosecutors presented social media images allegedly showing him posing with the firearms. In one of the exhibits introduced in court, Ortega-Lopez is even pictured alongside Judge Cano.

The Venezuelan national, who is in the U.S. unlawfully, was charged with being an alien in possession of firearms and ammunition, a felony that could carry up to 15 years in federal prison. He was previously caught by Border Patrol agents after crossing the southern border near Eagle Pass, Texas, but was released due to overcrowding and placed on humanitarian parole, according to federal records.

Prosecutors assert that Ortega-Lopez poses both a flight risk and a threat to public safety. “He is believed to have ties to the Tren de Aragua,” a criminal organization originating in Venezuela, prosecutors argue in motions to keep him detained without bond.

Court records reveal that Ortega-Lopez moved to El Paso and then to Las Cruces, where he met Nancy Cano while working construction jobs. She reportedly offered him housing in a detached casita behind the Cano residence. He listed the address in a 2024 immigration relief application.

Further troubling for federal prosecutors is Ortega-Lopez’s alleged access to multiple firearms through April Cano. “She possessed a large number of firearms,” court documents state, “and allowed him to hold and sometimes shoot various firearms,” including rifles and handguns that later appeared in social media posts.

During a detention hearing on March 14, U.S. Magistrate Judge Damian Martinez initially leaned toward releasing Ortega-Lopez, saying, “I don’t think [Judge Cano] would just let anybody live in his property.” Prosecutors swiftly appealed, challenging Martinez’s decision and noting his request for pretrial services to assess Nancy Cano as a potential third-party custodian, even though the arrest occurred at her residence.

As of now, Ortega-Lopez remains behind bars at the Doña Ana County Detention Center pending another detention hearing.

While Joel Cano has not been charged with any crimes, his sudden resignation and the national spotlight on his association with an alleged gang-linked individual have prompted significant scrutiny. Some comentators have described the situation as “deeply alarming,” raising broader concerns about judicial integrity and border enforcement gaps.

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Pope Francis passes away: How his papacy quietly shaped NM Catholicism

8 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Pope Francis, the 266th leader of the Roman Catholic Church and the first pope from the Americas, has died at the age of 88, the Vatican confirmed early Monday. His passing marks the end of a historic papacy that began in 2013 and spanned more than a decade of leadership marked by broad international outreach and internal reform. His passing came one day after Easter, and he met with Vice President J.D. Vance, who is a Catholic.

Born Jorge Mario Bergoglio in Buenos Aires, Argentina, Francis became the first Jesuit pope and the first non-European pontiff in more than 1,200 years. His papacy followed the unprecedented resignation of Pope Benedict XVI and ushered in a new chapter for the Church amid a rapidly changing world.

While Pope Francis’ initiatives sometimes sparked debate within the global Catholic community, his tenure saw significant engagement with regions historically shaped by Catholic heritage, including the American Southwest. In New Mexico, where Catholicism has deep roots dating back to Spanish colonization, Francis’ leadership coincided with renewed attention to issues facing rural dioceses.

Although Francis never visited New Mexico in person, his influence was noted throughout the Archdiocese of Santa Fe and the Diocese of Gallup and Las Cruces. Local bishops often referenced his calls for outreach to the peripheries of society and support for charitable missions. Under his leadership, New Mexico’s Catholic institutions continued their long-standing commitments to providing education, healthcare, and food assistance through faith-based organizations.

New Mexico’s Catholic communities, including many rural parishes and historic mission churches, continued to carry out traditional liturgical practices during the Francis papacy. While some of the Pope’s global pronouncements received mixed responses, specifically to the chagrin of traditional Catholics who practice the sacred Latin Mass, many Catholics in the state found unity in his consistent emphasis on prayer, humility, and the spiritual needs of the faithful.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Vatican-linked relief funds were distributed through Catholic Charities branches across the United States, including in Albuquerque and Las Cruces. These efforts provided support to families and individuals during times of economic strain, helping to maintain the Church’s presence in struggling communities.

Pope Francis also emphasized the importance of pastoral care in dioceses facing priest shortages, a challenge that has affected New Mexico for decades. His global focus on vocations and parish life echoed locally as dioceses worked to sustain clergy in remote and underserved areas of the state.

Although some of Francis’ positions on global issues were more widely accepted outside traditional circles, his core message of compassion, faithfulness, and pastoral presence left a lasting impact on millions of Catholics worldwide. In New Mexico, where over one-third of the population identifies as Catholic, his words and witness were often felt through local clergy, parish missions, and diocesan leadership.

The Vatican has not yet announced a date for the funeral Mass, though tradition holds that nine days of mourning (novemdiales) will follow the Pope’s death. Preparations are already underway for the gathering of cardinals in Rome to convene a conclave and elect a new successor to the Chair of Saint Peter. According to analyses of the current makeup of the College of Cardinals, the next pope is expected to hold moderately conservative to more traditionalist views. 

Pope Francis’ passing marks the end of a notable chapter in Church history. His leadership, while at times met with differing interpretations, undeniably shaped the trajectory of the Church in the 21st century, reaching even the chapels and mission churches of New Mexico with his call to live out the Gospel faithfully and sincerely.

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Meet NM’s new Trump-appointed US Attorney, Ryan Ellison

17 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

In a bold move, reinforcing the Trump administration’s enduring focus on law and order, U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi appointed Ryan Ellison as the new U.S. Attorney for the District of New Mexico. His swearing-in took place today before U.S. District Judge Margaret Strickland, marking a new chapter in federal crime enforcement for the state.

Ellison’s appointment signals a renewed and vigorous federal push to crack down on the unchecked crime and border chaos that has plagued New Mexico for years under weak Democrat rule. A native of Alamogordo, Ellison brings a wealth of prosecutorial experience and a deep understanding of the challenges facing his home state. After graduating from the University of Arizona in 2010 with a degree in business, he earned both his J.D. and MBA from Texas Tech University in 2013 — a combination that reflects a keen mind for both legal and strategic management.

For the past six years, Ellison has worked as an Assistant U.S. Attorney in Las Cruces, where he helped lead the charge in what has become the largest criminal case ever prosecuted in the state: the takedown of the dangerous Syndicato de Nuevo Mexico (SNM) prison gang. “To date, more than 175 SNM gang members and associates have been charged with serious federal crimes,” a spokesperson for the district office noted. The sheer scope of the prosecution speaks volumes about Ellison’s resolve to dismantle violent criminal enterprises operating in New Mexico.

In addition to gang prosecutions, Ellison has pursued some of the most violent and heinous offenders in the state, handling cases involving RICO conspiracies, murder-for-hire, kidnapping resulting in death, and national security threats — a resume that reflects the tough-on-crime stance championed during the Trump administration.

Now taking the helm of the U.S. Attorney’s Office, Ellison made it clear that his mission is aligned with President Trump’s America First philosophy. “For however long I serve as United States Attorney, my primary objective will be to keep New Mexicans safe through the vigorous enforcement of Federal law,” he said. “Under my leadership… we will do our part to stem the unlawful flow of people and drugs into our country.”

Ellison didn’t mince words about the threats posed by open-border policies and progressive prosecutors who’ve turned a blind eye to cartel violence and human trafficking. “We will not lose sight of our responsibility to combat violent crime, gang activity, child predators, and to zealously advocate on behalf of the United States’ civil interests,” he stated.

His past roles as Supervisory Assistant U.S. Attorney for Violent and General Crimes, Assistant District Attorney, and private practice attorney round out a professional profile that combines deep courtroom experience with practical knowledge of New Mexico’s legal landscape.

As New Mexico battles rising crime, drug trafficking, and cartel infiltration, Ellison’s appointment is a promising shift toward accountability and security. His leadership, rooted in prosecutorial toughness and constitutional law enforcement, could mark a turning point for a state long plagued by lawlessness.

With a fearless and unapologetic stance on enforcing federal laws and securing the border, Ryan Ellison stands as a testament to the pro-Trump law-and-order legacy — one that puts the safety of American families and the sovereignty of the nation above political gamesmanship.

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Woke protesters at UNM have meltdown as school ends DEI

25 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

The University of New Mexico (UNM) has found itself at the center of a growing national debate after it began rolling back its diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. This shift comes in response to new federal guidance aimed at dismantling discriminatory practices that, under the guise of equity, have promoted race-based preferences, undermining the American principle of equal opportunity for all.

Eric Rodriguez, a student at UNM, admitted to the Santa Fe New Mexican that he might not have made it into the university on merit alone. “Maybe none of this would have happened,” he said, reflecting on his admission, which was aided by policies favoring Hispanic applicants and scholarships based on race (a moot point since New Mexico is a majority minority state). Now, with these systems being phased out, Rodriguez expressed uncertainty about the future for students like him. However, the real question is why anyone—regardless of background—should feel entitled to admission based on race instead of merit and character.

UNM’s decision follows a February 14 directive from the U.S. Department of Education warning schools to eliminate DEI-based admissions and employment criteria or risk losing federal funding. UNM President Garnett Stokes responded to criticism by saying that “adapting to new legal frameworks is not submission; it is a mechanism … to identify new paths for meeting our mission and achieving our goals while remaining compliant with federal law.” Her stance underscores a basic reality: no public institution can expect to retain federal dollars while willfully violating federal standards rooted in fairness and colorblind equality.

While the change has provoked backlash from left-wing student groups and faculty unions, it is a necessary and commendable course correction. Hundreds protested outside UNM’s Scholes Hall during a “National Day of Action,” accusing the school of “capitulating” to conservative political pressure. But what they fail to recognize is that DEI, as implemented, has become a thinly veiled system of racial favoritism—one that punishes individuals based on immutable characteristics like race or gender while rewarding others under the false pretense of justice.

Steph Flores of the UNM Graduate and Professional Student Association demanded that administrators not just “say” they support minority students but show it. However, true support must come through fostering academic excellence and personal responsibility—not permanent reliance on identity-based handouts.

Notably, critics like Mark Campbell of Students for Justice in Palestine brushed off funding concerns, mocking UNM’s financial limitations. Yet, unlike billion-dollar institutions like Harvard, UNM’s endowment sits at around $500 million—hardly an excess cushion to risk over ideological posturing. Harvard may indulge in defiance, but UNM seems to be prioritizing fiscal survival.

Even allegations of visa revocations for international students have been weaponized by protest organizers without evidence, revealing how far the outrage machine will go to prop up failed DEI programs.

President Trump’s administration and its ideological heirs are not attempting to strip rights away—they are working to restore a system based on merit, equality under the law, and individual dignity. Programs that treat people differently because of their race are not progressive; they are regressive and unconstitutional. 

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Despite MLG’s pro-abortion campaign, NM sees decrease in abortions

22 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

While abortion rates across the United States continue to rise, New Mexico has seen a noteworthy decline — a trend that many pro-life advocates view as a hopeful sign of cultural and spiritual change. A recent report by the Guttmacher Institute, an organization that supports abortion up-to-birth, confirms that the number of abortions in New Mexico fell by 11% in 2024, dropping from nearly 21,000 to approximately 18,600. This decline breaks from the national trajectory, where the overall number of abortions grew by about 1% last year, reaching an estimated 1.04 million.

This decrease in abortions in New Mexico is especially significant considering the state’s surge in procedures following the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2022 Dobbs decision, which overturned Roe v. Wade. In the months after the ruling, New Mexico’s abortion rate skyrocketed by more than 78%, making it one of the top destinations for women from nearby states like Texas, where strong pro-life protections were enacted. In fact, in 2023, Texans accounted for 68% of all abortions in New Mexico, representing nearly 14,000 of the procedures performed.

However, despite aggressive promotion from pro-abortion politicians and the use of taxpayer dollars to lure abortionists to relocate to New Mexico, the tide appears to be shifting. In 2024, the number of out-of-state patients declined slightly as well, from 70% of all abortions in 2023 to 69% last year. While the percentage change may seem small, the total number of abortions dropped by more than 2,000 overall.

This downward trend signals that fewer women are making the tragic choice of abortion, even in a state where abortion remains legal up to the date of birth. That change may be due in part to increased education, public awareness campaigns, and spiritual outreach. Organizations like Abortion Free New Mexico have actively sought to reach women through billboard campaigns along major highways from Texas, offering messages of love and encouragement to mothers in crisis. One reads simply, “Mommy. Be brave and turn around. I love you.”

Tara Shaver, spokesperson for the group, emphasized the importance of standing up for the unborn: “We believe that women in Texas are protected by their state’s laws, and they should not be able to circumvent those laws by coming to New Mexico.” Despite opposition from Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham, who has funneled millions in public money to build abortion facilities and recruit out-of-state abortionists, many New Mexicans continue to stand up for life. According to polling, most New Mexicans are pro-life.

The governor’s “Free to Provide” campaign, which used $400,000 in taxpayer funds to draw abortion providers from other states, along with her push for $10 million to build a new clinic in Northern New Mexico, underscores how invested the state’s leadership is in promoting abortion. But the declining numbers suggest that New Mexico’s residents — and perhaps even those coming from out of state — are beginning to make different choices.

MLG’s abortion hotline referring women to ‘The Satanic Temple’ abortion facility

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NM Dems react after first GOP candidate Gregg Hull steps into governor’s race

46 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Rio Rancho Mayor Greggory “Gregg” Hull has officially launched his campaign for governor in New Mexico’s 2026 Republican primary, igniting swift backlash from the state’s Democrat establishment—but also shining a spotlight on the growing dissatisfaction many New Mexicans feel under current Democratic leadership. In a release, Hull stated he will formally announce his campaign on June 2, precisely one year before the general election, marking his transition from municipal leadership into the state’s highest-stakes political arena.

Hull, who has served as mayor of Rio Rancho since 2014 and won his third term in 2022, emphasized public safety, job creation, infrastructure development, and education as cornerstones of his platform. On his campaign website, he notes that during his tenure, the Rio Rancho Police Department’s budget has more than doubled, and the city has consistently ranked among the safest in New Mexico. Although 2024 did see a rise in homicides, Rio Rancho still earned a place on Livability’s list of the top 25 best places to live in the Southwest, a reflection of the city’s overall strong governance under Hull.

Hull’s focus on combating crime sharply contrasts with the soft-on-crime policies that have plagued the state under Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham, who is term-limited. Hull is advocating for increased law enforcement presence across the state, greater border security to combat the fentanyl epidemic, and a zero-tolerance stance on violent crimes and offenses against children. These priorities are resonating with many New Mexicans frustrated by skyrocketing crime and a state government that seems more interested in progressive virtue signaling than solving real-world problems.

Within hours of Hull’s announcement, the Democratic Party of New Mexico issued an aggressive statement attempting to discredit his candidacy, claiming, “New Mexicans remember how disastrous a GOP governor can be,” and referencing the Susana Martinez administration. They accused Hull of being a “Trump lackey” and painted a glowing picture of Democratic rule, touting so-called progress on abortion access (legalization of abortion up-to-birth with no protections for women, children, or medical professionals), early childhood education (a multi-billion-dollar slush fund), and “climate” initiatives that are driving jobs out of the state in droves.

However, their rhetoric quickly falls apart under scrutiny. Under Democrat control, New Mexico has consistently ranked among the worst states in the nation in multiple key categories. The state is dead last in education, with some of the lowest math and reading proficiency scores in the U.S. It also ranks at or near the bottom for child well-being, economic opportunity, infrastructure quality, and healthcare access. According to U.S. News and World Report, New Mexico remains the most dangerous state in the country, plagued by violent crime and drug abuse. The state is also among the worst for child poverty and unemployment. These aren’t abstract issues—they are measurable failures that have left everyday New Mexicans worse off.

While far-left Democratic candidates Deb Haaland and Sam Bregman may be leading in fundraising (due to them announcing sooner), Hull’s campaign represents something far more potent: the potential for accountability and a return to common-sense governance. Despite that, he has already reportedly raised $210,000.

As crime surges, the economy stagnates, and public schools continue to fail, many voters are questioning whether the so-called “progress” under Democrat leadership has amounted to anything more than empty slogans. Hull’s entry into the race offers a stark alternative—one grounded in results, not political cheap shots. Learn more about Hull’s campaign via his website.

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Vasquez once again sides with criminal aliens in latest move

34 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez (D-NM), a far-leftist in Congress, is once again attacking commonsense border protections—this time railing against President Donald Trump’s directive to establish a military buffer zone along the U.S.-Mexico border from California through New Mexico.

In a statement issued Monday, Vasquez called the strategic deployment of military assets to secure the Roosevelt Reservation—a federally controlled strip of land 60 feet wide running the length of the border from California to New Mexico—“misguided and wasteful,” dismissing the President’s action as a “made-for-TV stunt.” His full-throated opposition comes even as his own district, located in New Mexico’s Second Congressional District, includes numerous border communities grappling daily with illegal crossings, drug smuggling, and human trafficking.

Despite these serious threats, Vasquez continues to undermine efforts to restore control at the border. He bizarrely claimed that Trump’s move comes “during a record time of low crossing numbers” — thanks to the President’s actions to protect the homeland, unlike his predecessor, Joe Biden.

Vasquez’s hostility toward border security is nothing new. He has consistently taken fringe positions aligned with open-borders activists. On his official Twitter account, Vasquez denounced the border wall as “racist” and called for it to be “torn down,” declaring: “Let’s tear it down. The wall is not only ineffective and costly—it is a symbol of hate. It’s time for a new approach rooted in compassion and real solutions.”

In the same post, Vasquez accused border enforcement infrastructure of being “a symbol of hate,” further cementing his record of prioritizing inflammatory rhetoric over practical solutions. This is despite overwhelming evidence that fencing, surveillance, and manpower are key deterrents to illegal border crossings and criminal enterprise along the U.S.-Mexico corridor.

The far-left congressman also has repeatedly voted against banning criminal aliens from voting in U.S. elections — further cementing his push to promote illegal immigration into the country. 

Vasquez’s open-borders language and continued embrace of policies that weaken U.S. sovereignty paint a troubling picture. At a time when border communities are overwhelmed, and national security threats loom large, Vasquez appears more concerned with political theater and virtue signaling than with protecting his own constituents. His repeated rejection of efforts to strengthen America’s borders not only puts New Mexicans at risk—it betrays the very oath he took as a member of Congress.

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‘Die Elon’: Terrorist busted–FBI nabs Dem behind attacks on Tesla, GOP HQ

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Federal authorities have charged 40-year-old Jamison Wagner of Albuquerque with two counts of arson tied to politically charged firebombing attacks on both a Tesla showroom and the Republican Party of New Mexico headquarters, labeling the incidents as acts of domestic terrorism.

Wagner, a self-styled radical, was arrested on April 12 following an extensive federal investigation involving the FBI, ATF, Albuquerque Police, and other law enforcement agencies. 

According to a profile he has on “500 Queer Scientists,” he describes himself as “queer and I am an electrical engineer.” It has been independently verified through voter registration records that Wagner is a registered Democrat.

“I have a B.S. in electrical engineering, and am starting my Masters in EE this summer. My track specialty is electromagnetics/plasma physics and I’m currently working as an intern for a national lab doing PCB design for x-ray imaging,” he wrote. 

He shared via Facebook in November of 2024 the same graphic that state Rep. Liz Thomson (D-Albuquerque) shared comparing police officers to the KKK. In a post from December 31, 2020, he called for their complete abolition. Other posts from Wagner include support for the anti-police Black Lives Matter organization, posts calling law enforcers “bas****s,” and content praising homicidal communist leader Karl Marx. 

In other posts, Wagner shared content reading, “The Republican Party is the party of white supremacist fascism. That’s all it stands for,” in an ironic take, as his actions appear to be those of fascists bringing down the opposition instead of engaging in the republican democratic process.

In other posts, Wagner described himself as “bisexual” and, in others “non-binary.” 

He has shared violent content before, including a graphic reading, “Guillotine 2020,” alluding to assassination.

Officials linked Wagner to the February 9 firebombing of the Tesla showroom in Bernalillo and the March 30 arson attack on the RPNM headquarters in Albuquerque, both carried out using homemade incendiary devices.

According to the criminal complaint filed in U.S. District Court, Wagner used improvised “napalm” devices packed in glass jars to ignite fires at both sites, leaving behind spray-painted anti-Tesla and anti-ICE messages including “DIE ELON,” “TESLA NAZI INC,” and “ICE = KKK”​. The graffiti and incendiary devices bore similar markings — hand-written letters “I” or “H” — linking the two incidents. Wagner’s tactics, the DOJ alleges, mirror those of left-wing extremists who target ideological opponents with violence.

Attorney General Pamela Bondi minced no words: “Let this be the final lesson to those taking part in this ongoing wave of political violence. We will arrest you, we will prosecute you, and we will not negotiate. Crimes have consequences.”

Deputy AG Todd Blanche called the attacks “dangerous felonies” that should not be mistaken for protest. “Hurling firebombs is not political protest,” he said. “We are coming for you, you can’t hide, and you will do serious jail time to pay for your crimes.”

FBI Director Kash Patel was even more direct, stating that Wagner’s arrest is “part of the FBI’s aggressive efforts to investigate and hold accountable those who have targeted Tesla facilities in various states across the country.” He added, “Under Attorney General Bondi’s leadership, we will continue to locate and arrest those responsible for these acts of domestic terrorism.”

The evidence against Wagner is damning. Agents recovered from his home eight fully assembled incendiary devices, red and black spray paint, stencils matching those used at the crime scenes, and clothing seen in surveillance footage. Wagner’s white 2015 Hyundai Accent was also caught on video fleeing the scene of the RPNM attack. The license plate had been tampered with, and the plate lights were taped over — deliberate attempts to evade detection​.

Wagner’s criminal complaint further details his connection to the scenes through forensic evidence, surveillance footage, and even physical traits, including his 6’4” height and balding head — both noted by investigators from videos of the Tesla fire​.

“This arrest marks a critical step toward justice in the firebombing that targeted a Tesla dealership and the New Mexico Republican Party Headquarters,” said ATF Deputy Director Robert Cekada. “This is what ATF does best: we follow the evidence, we find the truth, and we bring offenders to justice.”

If convicted, Wagner faces up to 40 years in federal prison.

Federal officials are treating the case not just as arson but as a politically motivated terrorist act — a designation that sends a clear message: violence against political or corporate targets will not be tolerated in a civilized society.

Wagner remains in custody pending a detention hearing. The investigation is ongoing.

To read the criminal complaint from the U.S. Department of Justice, please click here.

This is a developing story…

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Last in education, first in excuses: NM loses millions after failing to spend funds

33 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

The Trump administration has taken a bold step to ensure accountability and fiscal responsibility in the handling of pandemic-era education relief funds—ending a previously granted extension for New Mexico to spend the remaining $12.3 million in federal ESSER (Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief) funds. In a March 28 letter, Linda McMahon of the U.S. Department of Education notified state education leaders that the liquidation period for these funds was being cut off effective immediately.

The decision came as a wake-up call to New Mexico’s education bureaucracy, which had failed to efficiently utilize its allotted federal aid. Despite being granted nearly $980 million in total relief through ESSER during the pandemic, New Mexico still had millions left unspent, with state officials citing supply chain issues and inadequate staffing. But McMahon’s letter made it clear: “By failing to meet the clear deadline in the regulation, you ran the risk that the [U.S. Department of Education] would deny your extension request.”

In other words, New Mexico had ample time to deploy these resources—yet, as with many government initiatives in the state, the follow-through was lacking.

Lieutenant Governor Howie Morales, a Democrat and former educator, reacted angrily, calling the decision a “reckless and abrupt termination” that would impact students across the state. He claimed it would disrupt after-school programs, HVAC upgrades, and even outdoor classroom projects—yet failed to address why these projects weren’t completed in the years prior.

Attorney General Raúl Torrez joined the chorus of complaints, calling the decision “unacceptable and reckless,” and announced that New Mexico was joining over a dozen other Democrat-run states in suing the Trump administration. The lawsuit alleges that the reversal would strip schools of “essential resources like food, classroom supplies, [and] special education for teachers.”

But what’s truly “unacceptable,” critics argue, is that Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s New Mexico’s Public Education Department—despite being granted an extension through March 2026—still hadn’t managed to allocate the full amount efficiently. This is in a state that ranks dead last in education outcomes nationally, falling behind every other state and even the District of Columbia. According to longstanding rankings, New Mexico continues to struggle with low test scores, high dropout rates, and chronic absenteeism.

While the state now scrambles for another extension, the Department of Education has signaled that the era of open-ended pandemic spending is over. McMahon made it clear in her letter that “extending deadlines for COVID-related grants, which are in fact taxpayer funds, years after the COVID pandemic ended is not consistent with the Department’s priorities.”

The state had intended to funnel the remaining millions toward tutoring, after-school activities, and infrastructure upgrades in school districts, including Bloomfield, Deming, and Moriarty-Edgewood. However, the funds sat largely untouched despite the pressing academic needs brought on by the pandemic—another example, critics say, of bureaucratic mismanagement in a chronically underperforming education system.

Public Education Department spokesperson Janelle Taylor García confirmed the agency plans to apply for yet another extension. But with the Department of Education signaling that prior approvals are not guaranteed and “may be reconsidered,” the clock may have finally run out.

Despite the blow, Morales insists, “I’m not going to give up. I will continue to fight for our students and our educators who need these after-school, summer learning and tutoring programs.” Still, observers note that a true fight for students might start with taking responsibility for why the state fell behind in deploying resources in the first place—especially when the Trump administration is demanding that taxpayer dollars be used wisely and efficiently.

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Vindictive MLG vetoes ‘State Bread,’ license plate bills to punish Dems

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In a dramatic and unmistakably vindictive move, Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham unleashed a political tantrum on Friday, vetoing a slate of bills—most notably Senate Bill 315, which would have designated the tortilla as New Mexico’s official state bread. The veto wasn’t about bread, though—it was about revenge.

The governor’s veto message dripped with frustration as she lashed out at the Legislature, blaming Democratic leadership in both chambers for failing to move forward with her policy priorities. Instead of working collaboratively or responsibly, the governor torched legislation ranging from cultural designations to tax relief and public safety funding—effectively using her veto pen to punish lawmakers who didn’t do her bidding.

“I am vetoing this legislation to send a clear message,” the governor fumed, pointing to what she claimed was a failure to prioritize “urgency” in the final hours of the session. But the message was clear before she wrote a word: if the Legislature won’t pass her bills, she’s willing to sabotage even bipartisan efforts, including those introduced by children.

The tortilla bill, inspired by Las Cruces student Adaline McIntosh, was a heartfelt proposal intended to celebrate the state’s rich culinary heritage. But the governor instead reduced it to political collateral damage. In a feeble attempt to soften the blow, Lujan Grisham added a perfunctory line praising McIntosh’s civic engagement—but it rings hollow after turning the student’s dream into a bitter example of gubernatorial spite. Lujan Grisham claimed that because New Mexico has a “state cookie, a
state amphibian, two state vegetables, a state song, a Spanish language state song, a state ballad, a
state bilingual song, and a state cowboy song,” that the veto is justified.

The veto came with a slew of additional casualties. Among the dozens of bills killed:

  • HB 14: Expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit, which would’ve delivered relief to working families.
  • HB 120: Accessibility upgrades for state agencies.
  • HB 143: Strengthened lobbying transparency.
  • HB 191: Critical funding for wildfire preparedness.
  • HB 494: Tax exemptions for veterans.
  • SB 142: The Grid Modernization Roadmap, essential for updating aging infrastructure.
  • HB 219: Creation of the Slot Canyon Riverlands State Park.
  • SB 327 and SB 377: License plates celebrating lowriders and New Mexico United.
  • H.B. 36: Critical change to allow health care access to rural New Mexicans who have to drive long distances for ophthalmology care.

All were axed not because of policy objections, but because of perceived legislative disloyalty. The vetoes weren’t about principle—they were about punishment.

For New Mexicans looking for leadership in times of crisis, this kind of performative petulance is the last thing the state needs. Instead of working across the aisle or finding compromise, Lujan Grisham chose political theatrics—derailing cultural recognition, environmental progress, and even tax breaks for veterans just to make a point.

With this veto spree, the governor has made her priorities crystal clear: her agenda comes first, and if the Legislature dares to question it, the people of New Mexico will suffer the consequences. Whether it’s tortillas or tax relief, nothing is safe from her scorched-earth strategy.

Now, with an election year looming, Democrats who aligned with the governor may find themselves in hot water with constituents who wanted action—not petty politics.

Vindictive MLG vetoes ‘State Bread,’ license plate bills to punish Dems Read More »

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