MLG

MLG’s office throws fit over Pres. Trump using National Guard to protect NM

President Donald Trump’s effort to secure America’s borders and crack down on illegal immigration has once again sent Democratic Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham into a tailspin. As Fox News revealed Friday, the Pentagon is preparing to mobilize up to 1,700 National Guard troops from 19 states — including New Mexico — to assist Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in processing and detaining illegal migrants.

The deployments are expected to run from mid-August through mid-November, with the largest share of forces headed to Texas. Documents show Guard members will be tasked with critical support duties such as case management, transportation, logistical support, and clerical work. That includes booking detainees by collecting fingerprints, DNA samples, and photographs. The move provides ICE with badly needed manpower while ensuring the Guard’s role remains within the law.

But while Republican governors like Utah’s Spencer Cox expressed openness to supporting the mission, Lujan Grisham quickly announced she would oppose any deployment of Guard troops for immigration enforcement inside New Mexico.

“Gov. Lujan Grisham would oppose the deployment of National Guard troops to New Mexico to conduct immigration raids, and she certainly wouldn’t order ours up for that purpose,” her spokesperson Michael Coleman wrote. He claimed such enforcement would “terrorize communities, break up families and harm local economies.”

The governor’s familiar rhetoric is nothing new. Lujan Grisham has long resisted immigration enforcement efforts while insisting Congress should pass sweeping legislation to “fix” the system, despite her spending years in Congress without even an attempt at fixing the issue. Previously in her administration, she flatly denied the existence of a border crisis and removed National Guard troops from helping secure the border, which her predecessor, Republican former Gov. Susana Martinez, had previously deployed.

Lujan Grisham’s office tried to soften the blow by noting she has requested additional federal personnel and technology to help combat drug trafficking. But her refusal to support the use of the Guard — even for clerical and logistical duties — once again puts her at odds with Trump’s efforts to restore law and order.

New Mexico’s border with Mexico stretches roughly 180 miles, much of it sparsely populated and on federal land. About 50 miles of the state’s border had no barrier at the close of the Joe Biden regime. The most active areas, around Sunland Park and Santa Teresa, are already under heightened federal patrols. Bringing in Guard troops to assist ICE would only strengthen security and relieve overburdened officers. Yet the governor would rather score political points with her party’s base than cooperate with Washington to keep New Mexicans safe.

By contrast, Cox, Utah’s Republican governor, acknowledged the president’s authority and signaled his willingness to contribute. “As a dual-authority state, like others, the federal government does have the opportunity to call up the National Guard. The president has that authority,” Cox said. “What we’ve said from the very beginning is this: We are willing to work to support the efforts to remove people who are here illegally.”

The difference is stark. While Republican governors see the value of supporting federal enforcement, New Mexico’s governor predictably digs in her heels, attacking Trump’s strategy instead of helping to secure her own state.

Once again, Lujan Grisham is more concerned with protecting her political talking points than safeguarding her constituents. Meanwhile, Trump is doing what he promised — mobilizing every resource necessary to enforce America’s immigration laws and safeguard New Mexico’s communities.

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In border crackdown, Trump mobilizing National Guard in NM, other states

The Pentagon has confirmed that National Guard units in New Mexico will be mobilized in the coming weeks to support federal immigration enforcement, part of a broader 19-state activation ordered by the Trump administration to combat illegal immigration and related crime.

Documents obtained by FOX News show up to 1,700 Guardsmen nationwide will assist the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). The mobilizations, effective from late August through mid-November, will occur in states including Texas, Florida, Georgia, and New Mexico. Texas is expected to see the largest deployment, but New Mexico’s presence will play a critical role in supporting facilities such as the Otero County Processing Center and other ICE operations across the border region.

A White House official emphasized the deployments had been planned before President Trump’s recent comments about expanding federal law enforcement initiatives seen in Washington, D.C., to other parts of the country. “This isn’t new nor is it tied to the President’s efforts to address violent crime in DC,” the official said. Instead, the Pentagon says the deployments are designed to help DHS with “clerical support and other logistical tasks for processing illegal aliens at ICE facilities.”

In practice, Guard members in New Mexico and other states will not conduct direct law enforcement but will serve as vital support personnel. According to a U.S. defense official, duties will include case management, transportation, logistical support, and clerical functions. “The in-and-out processing may include personal data collection, fingerprinting, DNA swabbing and photographing of personnel in ICE custody,” the official said.

While opponents have criticized the deployments as an expansion of military involvement in immigration enforcement, the Pentagon points out that these missions fall under Title 32 Section 502F authority. That means Guardsmen remain under the control of their governors but can provide support functions without violating the Posse Comitatus Act, which restricts active military involvement in civilian law enforcement.

The mobilization comes as New Mexico Democrats, including Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham, face pressure over their handling of ICE facilities in the state. The governor recently declined an invitation from Republican lawmakers to tour the Otero County Processing Center, citing a “busy schedule,” while her allies in the Legislature consider measures to ban such facilities outright. If enacted, the ban would eliminate hundreds of jobs and tens of millions of dollars in revenue for rural counties like Otero, Torrance, and Cibola — even as federal immigration enforcement expands and detainee populations continue to grow.

President Trump has made clear that these actions are part of his broader mission to restore law and order nationwide. Addressing federal agents and Guardsmen in Washington, D.C., he said: “We’re going to make it safe, and we’re going to then go on to other places.” On Friday, he added, “I think Chicago will be our next. And then we’ll help with New York.”

For New Mexico, the deployment means its Guard units will be directly integrated into the federal effort, supporting ICE’s case management and detention operations at a time when illegal border crossings are down and enforcement is ramping up. DHS has praised the Guard’s role as both a logistical backbone and a visible deterrent.

As the mobilizations roll out, the question for New Mexico is twofold: will the governor cooperate with federal partners to ensure a smooth mission, and will the Legislature jeopardize rural economies by targeting the very detention facilities where these Guard units are now preparing to serve?

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Jobs on the line: Dems won’t even step inside the ICE facilities they want to ban

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has declined Republican lawmakers’ invitation to tour New Mexico’s largest immigration detention facility, citing a “busy schedule,” even as her party faces mounting criticism for canceling a long-promised legislative tour of the same center.

Republican legislators Rep. Andrea Reeb and Sen. Crystal Brantley had invited the governor to join them on Monday at the Otero County Processing Center in Chaparral, where an average of 863 detainees are currently held. But the governor’s spokesperson, Michael Coleman, brushed aside the request. “The governor has a busy schedule on Monday and won’t be joining in the tour,” he said, adding that no final decision has been made yet on whether the governor will seek to include a statewide ban on ICE facilities in her upcoming special session call.

The refusal coincides with a new controversy surrounding the Courts, Corrections, and Justice Committee (CCJ), which abruptly canceled its own long-planned visit to Otero. Records show the cancellation followed objections from Vice-Chair Christine Chandler (D–Los Alamos), a vocal opponent of ICE facilities. Committee Chair Sen. Joseph Cervantes (D–Las Cruces) has since issued two conflicting explanations, raising further questions about the real motivation.

In his most recent statement — circulated after Brantley arranged her own visit — Cervantes said the Otero stop was “not a sanctioned CCJ activity” and claimed Otero County could not “assure cooperation from ICE.” He also cited logistical concerns involving transportation, meals, and timing.

But in an earlier message to colleagues, Cervantes gave a different story. He claimed ICE had “not returned phone calls” and suggested committee members might be required to submit to background checks as a condition of entry — something he said “some members might reasonably object to.” In the same message, he admitted canceling the tour “in consultation with Rep. Chandler.” Background checks are standard for such tours, and using that as an excuse is objectively farcical.

Ironically, Chandler’s district has the most to lose if the move to attempt to shutter ICE facilities prompts the federal government to pull out of the vehemently hostile New Mexico, as her district encompasses Los Alamos National Labs, worth billions in revenue to the state. She still appears to want to poke the bear and anger the Trump administration, despite the consequences.

The shifting accounts have fueled accusations that Cervantes’ claims about ICE were little more than cover for partisan politics. Republicans note that Brantley successfully scheduled her own tour with a simple request, undermining the narrative that access was impossible. They argue the cancellation was prompted not by logistics, but by left-wing protests and internal opposition.

Instead of seeing the facility firsthand, Democrats on the committee have reworked the agenda to hear from Otero County commissioners, the governor’s staff, and proponents of legislation banning ICE contracts. Critics say this one-sided approach silences the voices of employees, families, and local officials who depend on the facilities.

The economic stakes are significant. According to federal data, Otero houses an average of 863 detainees daily, Torrance 444, and Cibola 223 — more than 1,500 people statewide. Together, these facilities sustain hundreds of jobs for correctional officers, medical personnel, and support staff. They also pump tens of millions of dollars into rural county budgets through federal contracts. Closing them would cripple local economies already struggling with limited revenue streams.

Moreover, closing facilities in New Mexico would not end immigration detention — detainees would simply be transferred elsewhere, including facilities in Texas, Florida’s “Alligator Alcatraz,” or even Guantanamo Bay. For New Mexico, that would mean all the economic loss without changing federal enforcement practices.

Republicans insist it is irresponsible to even begin to debate shutting down detention centers without lawmakers — and the governor — even setting foot inside to see operations firsthand. “Before we take any action with such far-reaching implications, it is essential that we have a clear understanding of the conditions within these facilities,” Reeb and Brantley wrote in their invitation to the governor.

While Democrats point to scheduling conflicts, logistical issues, and background check requirements, Republicans are moving forward with their tour on Monday. They say the public deserves transparency, and that decisions of this magnitude should be made with facts, not political spin.

For now, the contrast is sharp: Republicans are willing to confront the issue directly, while the governor and her legislative allies decline to see the facilities they are proposing to close — leaving New Mexico communities to wonder how their livelihoods and budgets will be protected if those doors are shuttered.

Jobs on the line: Dems won’t even step inside the ICE facilities they want to ban Read More »

10th Circuit crushes MLG’s anti-gun law as unconstitutional

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit delivered a major blow to Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s gun control agenda Tuesday, striking down New Mexico’s 2024 law that forced citizens to wait seven days before taking possession of a firearm.

In Ortega v. Grisham, the court found that the so-called “cooling-off” period likely violates the Second Amendment by blocking lawful citizens from acquiring arms even after they pass an instant federal background check. The majority opinion, authored by Judge Timothy Tymkovich, declared: “One cannot keep or bear arms if one cannot acquire them,” emphasizing that waiting periods are not supported by the nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.

The ruling reverses a lower court decision that had allowed the law to remain in place. The case was brought by Samuel Ortega, a retired law enforcement officer, and Rebecca Scott, both of whom attempted to purchase firearms and were denied immediate possession despite clearing background checks. Represented by former U.S. Solicitor General Paul Clement, the Mountain States Legal Foundation, and the NRA, the plaintiffs challenged the Waiting Period Act as an unconstitutional infringement.

The National Rifle Association celebrated the victory, declaring on social media:

“🚨 NRA Victory! 10th Circuit holds New Mexico’s 7-day waiting period unconstitutional in Ortega v. Grisham, a case brought by NRA and @MSLF, with the support of @NSSF.”

The New Mexico Shooting Sports Association also hailed the outcome as a vindication for law-abiding citizens, who they argue were unfairly targeted by the governor’s “anti-gun crusade.”

The 2024 statute, signed by Gov. Lujan Grisham, mandated a seven-day delay for nearly all firearm purchases, regardless of whether the buyer immediately passed a background check. The law imposed no exceptions for citizens facing threats to their safety. Supporters, including national gun-control groups Brady and Giffords, argued the law would reduce suicides and impulsive acts of violence.

But the court found the opposite: blanket waiting periods are unconstitutional burdens that strip law-abiding citizens of their rights. Tymkovich compared the delay to unconstitutional restrictions on other fundamental liberties, noting that a one-week waiting period for publishing a news story or attending church would never survive judicial scrutiny.

Judge Scott Matheson dissented, claiming that under prior Tenth Circuit precedent, the law was a “presumptively lawful” condition on commercial sales. But the majority rejected that reasoning, ruling that New Mexico had “no historical analogue” to justify its law.

The decision sends the case back to the district court to determine the scope of injunctive relief. For now, however, the seven-day waiting period is effectively dead — a significant defeat for the governor and gun-control lobby, and a decisive win for New Mexico gun owners and the NRA.

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Ex-Lujan Grisham secretary lands contracts designed to skirt bidding laws

Less than a year after leaving Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s Cabinet, former Tourism Secretary Jen Paul Schroer has turned her insider status into lucrative consulting work, landing more than $232,000 in state contracts without ever facing a competitive bidding process.

According to records obtained through the state’s sunshine portal and inspection requests, Schroer’s newly launched firm, JJS & Associates, has secured contracts with the Public Education Department (PED), the Children, Youth and Families Department (CYFD), and the Department of Cultural Affairs. The payments include $24,000 from PED, $64,911 from CYFD, and $16,228 from Cultural Affairs. Additional contracts already awarded or pending for fiscal year 2026 would bring the total haul to well over $232,000.

Critics say this reveals a cozy arrangement that skirts procurement safeguards designed to protect taxpayers. “Good to know the rules so you can go around them,” Senate GOP Floor Leader William Sharer of Farmington remarked after learning of the deals.

Under New Mexico’s procurement code, contracts over $60,000 require competitive bidding. But Schroer’s deals conveniently came in just under that threshold before gross receipts tax was added, allowing them to be issued directly. Joe Vigil, a spokesman for the General Services Department, admitted the contracts were structured this way, saying, “The contracts fell under the threshold of $60,000, then GRT was added for a total of $64,000.”

This technicality raises questions about whether the governor’s administration is playing games with taxpayer money. Schroer, who was making nearly $200,000 a year as a Cabinet secretary just months before leaving government, stepped down from the Aging and Long-Term Services Department in September 2024. By December, she already had a $64,000 contract with CYFD in hand.

Schroer defends her actions, saying she hired private legal counsel and that the contracts “went through a rigorous procurement process” with “multiple layers of oversight.” However, when pressed, the state’s Department of Justice could not confirm its alleged involvement in approving the deals.

CYFD praised Schroer’s work, claiming she “exceeded national benchmarks in foster family recruitment” and attracted 1,200 job candidates. PED likewise insisted the contracts followed procurement rules, though the agency refused to answer follow-up questions.

The Governor’s Office is also brushing off concerns. Spokeswoman Jodi McGinnis Porter insisted, “There is nothing inappropriate about former Secretary Schroer having contracts with state agencies.”

But for many New Mexicans, the optics are hard to ignore: yet another political insider cashing in on her connections with Lujan Grisham’s administration. With contracts carefully structured to avoid scrutiny and more public dollars on the way, critics say this is less about serving New Mexicans and more about taking care of the governor’s inner circle.

Meanwhile, Senate Democrats like George Muñoz of Gallup defended Schroer, shrugging off concerns. “If that’s the best they can find, or they know her work, I would say maybe it’s good,” he said.

For taxpayers, however, the episode highlights a troubling pattern under Lujan Grisham: bending the rules, rewarding loyalists, and treating state coffers like a revolving door for political allies.

Ex-Lujan Grisham secretary lands contracts designed to skirt bidding laws Read More »

MLG ousts GOP commissioner who dared challenge eco-left narrative

Far-left Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has abruptly removed Republican state Game Commissioner Sabrina Pack of Silver City in what many see as a politically motivated attack engineered by radical environmental groups.

Pack — appointed to the commission in 2024 to represent rural southwestern New Mexico — was informed Wednesday she was out, after left-wing activists at the Western Watersheds Project used public records requests to accuse her of a “conflict of interest” over her employer’s work on a marketing campaign supporting more flexible management of the federally protected Mexican gray wolf. Ironically, this comes after the governor appointed her own brother to be a regent at New Mexico Highlands University, a massive conflict of interest, which forced her brother, Greg Lujan, to withdraw.

The governor’s office offered vague allegations that Pack “failed to disclose a conflict of interest” and didn’t recuse herself from unspecified “pertinent votes,” according to spokesman Jodi McGinnis Porter. Notably, the administration has yet to identify a single actual commission vote on wolves.

“I did not take any votes related to Mexican wolf management and would have recused myself from future votes,” Pack told The New Mexican, adding her employment with SkyWest Media was discussed in detail with the governor’s office before her appointment. She stressed she is not an owner of the company and that her professional role is “entirely separate” from her volunteer service as commissioner.

Pack said she was “saddened” by the decision, noting her work to bridge divides on the contentious wolf issue: “I’ve worked really hard to listen to all sides… and really try to bring people together who are from opposing sides.”

The campaign in question — “Wolves Among Us” — aimed to highlight the real-life impacts of wolf reintroduction on rural residents through social media and video storytelling. Rural leaders say it sought to bring balance to a conversation long dominated by urban environmentalists and dark-money eco-groups like WildEarth Guardians.

Tom Paterson, president-elect of the New Mexico Cattle Growers Association, called Pack “an outstanding advocate to represent the voices of rural New Mexico” and rejected the idea she had any conflict. “There has never been a Game Commission vote on wolves,” Paterson said. “It’s clear… the wolf advocates don’t want the public to know what it’s like to actually live among wolves.”

Former commissioner Roberta Salazar-Henry — who served in Pack’s seat from 2019 to 2022 — also doubted the justification for removal: “I have a hard time believing that was so egregious to remove her… She’s a good commissioner. We liked her down here.”

The move comes just months after Lujan Grisham line-item vetoed a bipartisan provision in Senate Bill 5 that would have restricted the governor’s power to summarily remove commissioners. Lawmakers had sought to require “cause” such as incompetence, neglect of duty, or malfeasance. Without it, commissioners remain subject to the governor’s whim — a fact critics say the governor exploited to purge a Republican voice on the panel.

WildEarth Guardians wildlife program director Chris Smith, whose organization has taken extreme anti-grazing, anti-hunting stances, openly cheered the removal, citing his “red flag” concerns about Pack’s work. The group is part of the eco-left’s well-funded dark money network that has long targeted rural livelihoods under the banner of “wolf recovery.”

While the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service — not the Game Commission — controls the wolf reintroduction program, Lujan Grisham’s decision ensures one fewer advocate for rural New Mexicans at the table. For many, it’s another example of the governor using her office to silence dissenting voices and reward the demands of radical environmental special interests.

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Days after blasting Trump’s crime crackdown, MLG declares her own

Just days after denouncing President Donald Trump’s decisive crime crackdown in Washington, D.C., New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has declared her own emergency order to address violent crime—this time in Española, Rio Arriba County, and the area Pueblos. The move is raising eyebrows over the governor’s apparent double standard when it comes to executive action on public safety.

In a Wednesday announcement, Lujan Grisham said she was responding to urgent pleas from local leaders to confront a “significant surge in violent crime, drug trafficking, and public safety threats” overwhelming local resources. Police calls in Española have more than doubled in the past two years, with dispatches to businesses quadrupling. Rio Arriba County now leads the state in overdose deaths, driven by fentanyl and other illicit drugs.

“When our local leaders called for help to protect their communities, we responded immediately with decisive action,” Lujan Grisham said in her statement. “We are making every resource available to support our local partners on the ground and restore public safety and stability to these areas that have been hardest hit by this crisis.”

Under Executive Order 2025-358, the governor authorized up to $750,000 in emergency funding for the Department of Homeland Security and Emergency Management to coordinate the response, provide law enforcement support, and address related needs such as temporary shelter, health care, and food. The order also allows for the deployment of the New Mexico National Guard if necessary.

This local emergency declaration stands in stark contrast to Lujan Grisham’s recent rhetoric toward President Trump’s federalization of the D.C. Metropolitan Police and deployment of 800 National Guard troops to combat surging violent crime in the capital. In a joint statement with Albuquerque Mayor Tim Keller, she condemned Trump’s action as “massive executive overreach,” accusing him of making “unilateral decisions that appear politically motivated.” She argued that his move “sets a dangerous precedent,” despite his citing years of skyrocketing homicides and carjackings.

Critics note that the language of her own order mirrors the urgency and scope of Trump’s D.C. operation. Both actions involve direct intervention to bolster local law enforcement, mobilize state or federal resources, and restore public safety in areas deemed unable to manage the crisis alone. The difference appears to be political rather than procedural.

Her order cites a host of public safety crises—rising homelessness, family instability, and fatal overdoses—that echo the conditions Trump pointed to in Washington. Yet while she touted her “state and local cooperation” model in criticizing Trump, the Española emergency involves sweeping state-led measures and potential Guard activation—precisely the type of “outside intervention” she claimed to oppose.

Lujan Grisham’s crime emergency will remain in effect until all authorized funds are spent or officials determine the crisis has subsided. But the timing of her decision, so soon after lambasting the president for deploying similar tools, is already fueling charges of hypocrisy and political opportunism.

For residents of Española and Rio Arriba County, however, the focus is on whether this sudden intervention will deliver the results years of inaction have failed to produce—and whether the governor’s emergency order will bring lasting safety to one of New Mexico’s hardest-hit regions.

Days after blasting Trump’s crime crackdown, MLG declares her own Read More »

National spotlight on NM after horrific CYFD baby death, Uber driver slaying

New Mexico is making national headlines for two harrowing incidents — both underscoring deep concerns over public safety and state oversight. Reports from Blaze Media and the New York Post detail the tragic death of an 18-month-old girl with prior involvement in the state’s Children, Youth & Families Department (CYFD), and the chilling murder of an Uber driver by a teenager who allegedly killed “to let off some steam.”

The first case involves Vanessa Chavez, who has been charged with child abuse resulting in death after her toddler was found unresponsive in Albuquerque and died despite 20 minutes of CPR. The child’s death is the sixth in just four months connected to CYFD cases, according to KOB-TV. The girl had been removed from Chavez at birth after being born drug-exposed, only to be returned to her parents for a trial reunification shortly before her death.

Maralyn Beck, founder of the New Mexico Child First Network, placed direct blame on Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham and CYFD. “Every single one of these deaths was preventable,” Beck said, adding, “This is on the governor. There is blood on the governor at this point.” She argued that in a “functioning system,” one call to child protective services should save a child’s life.

In response, Gov. Lujan Grisham acknowledged CYFD’s persistent issues, saying, “You’re chasing your tail, and we’ve been chasing our tail for decades.” She promised, “We’re gonna make some damn important progress” in her remaining 18 months in office. A statement from her office said she is “working diligently to address flaws in the system,” citing a recent overhaul for protecting babies born to drug-addicted parents. CYFD also confirmed that two of Chavez’s three children had been in state custody and said all parties, including social workers and the presiding judge, agreed to end the abuse and neglect case in June after the parents complied with a reunification plan.

While the state grapples with systemic child welfare failures, Albuquerque was rocked by another national headline — the murder of Uber driver Joseph Andrus, allegedly at the hands of 18-year-old Sheliky Sanchez. According to the New York Post, Sanchez’s girlfriend ordered him an Uber around 1 a.m., but Andrus was found dead just hours later, shot execution-style on the side of the road. His black Ford Escape was missing until authorities found it at Sanchez’s girlfriend’s home.

Initially, Sanchez told police he bought the car with cash and had no idea it belonged to the victim. But investigators said he eventually confessed to targeting a stranger to “take [his stress] out on anybody he could find.” Sanchez admitted he chose a random drop-off location, ordered Andrus out of the vehicle, and shot him several times — later remarking, “He seemed like a good guy… I don’t really go for good people,” but that killing him felt like “a relief.”

Sanchez is being held at the Metropolitan Detention Center on charges of murder, armed robbery, and tampering with evidence. This story was also picked up by The Indepdendent, among other national outlets.

With both cases drawing national attention, New Mexico is once again confronting questions about its ability to protect the vulnerable — from children in state care to citizens simply trying to make a living.

National spotlight on NM after horrific CYFD baby death, Uber driver slaying Read More »

Lujan Grisham loses it over Trump’s D.C. Police takeover

President Donald Trump’s decision to federalize the Washington, D.C., police force and deploy 800 National Guard troops to crack down on violent crime has triggered a performative political uproar from leftists—not least from New Mexico’s far-left Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham, who joined Albuquerque Mayor Tim Keller in issuing a lengthy joint statement denouncing the move as “massive executive overreach.”

The president announced Monday that the Metropolitan Police Department would be placed under the authority of U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi for 30 days under the District of Columbia Home Rule Act, citing surging violent crime, carjackings, and homicides over the past several years. FBI Director Kash Patel was on the ground at the command post, telling Fox News Digital, “When you let good cops be cops, give them the tools they need, and back them every step of the way, they deliver—every time.”

But Lujan Grisham was quick to lash out at the plan. In her statement, she accused Trump of making “unilateral decisions that appear politically motivated” and claimed the deployment demonstrated a “fundamental misunderstanding of effective public safety strategy.” 

She warned the move “sets a dangerous precedent and undermines safety in our nation’s capital,” even as Trump cited statistics showing carjackings have more than tripled in recent years. This comes after she unilaterally attempted to suspend New Mexicans’ rights to bear arms and was immediately halted by a federal judge, which we thoroughly reported on at the time.

The governor’s joint release with Keller painted Trump’s move as an authoritarian stunt, likening it to his previous use of the National Guard in California amid far-left riots and attacks on federal police. “This is about politics, not fighting crime,” they argued, ignoring the District’s long-standing reputation for lax enforcement under the city’s far-left council and mayor’s office.

While Washington’s Democrat leaders insist crime is dropping—citing a 26% decline in total offenses this year—Trump countered that murders remain higher than in some of the most notoriously dangerous cities worldwide and that the city has endured the highest murder rate in decades.

Lujan Grisham, however, framed the takeover as an assault on “local leadership,” contrasting it with New Mexico’s model of state and local cooperation. “Here in New Mexico, we address public safety challenges by bringing local and state resources together,” she said, touting programs that send the National Guard to provide support roles rather than direct policing, all tactics that have proven inconsequential to say the least.

Under her tenure, New Mexico has remained one of the most dangerous states in the country, plagued by rising violent crime rates in Albuquerque and beyond. Many see her outrage over Trump’s D.C. intervention as more about partisan politics than public safety—especially given her vocal opposition to virtually every major Trump law-and-order initiative.

The governor’s warning that Trump’s actions “do nothing to keep Americans safe” stands in stark contrast to Patel’s on-the-ground endorsement of the effort, not to mention the other public safety results the President has delivered, such as zero illegal border crossings and resources being delivered to law enforcement via the One Big Beautiful Bill Act of 2025. The FBI chief said the operation’s goal is simple: restore law and order to the capital by giving law enforcement full federal backing.

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MLG melts down after GOP slams her crime session as ‘political rerun’

With violent crime continuing to plague New Mexico communities, far-left Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has called for a special legislative session expected in early September — and sparked a political firestorm in the process.

House Republicans blasted the governor’s attorney’s announcement last week, accusing her of using the session to rehash failed proposals and shift blame rather than deliver real solutions. In a post on X, House GOP Leader Gail Armstrong criticized the move as a “political rerun,” pointing out that the governor’s crime bills didn’t even get a vote during the 60-day regular session earlier this year nor during her failed three-hour special session last year, which ended up with nothing passed, as the Democrats decided to gavel out after passing the “feed bill” to fund the session. The GOP caucus argued that holding a costly special session to push the same rejected policies is a waste of taxpayer money.

They also raised concern over what they called the governor’s “dismantling” of enforcement tools at the state and federal level — a reference to her controversial push to close immigration detention facilities — warning that such moves only weaken law enforcement’s ability to combat drug trafficking and organized crime. Such a policy would immediately crush thousands of good-paying jobs for New Mexicans and simply result in these criminal aliens being shipped to Texas or other areas, such as Guantanamo Bay and Alligator Alcatraz.

Rather than addressing the policy criticisms directly, Lujan Grisham took to social media to scold Republicans, calling it “astounding” that any lawmaker would be reluctant to “come to the table.” She accused the GOP of political gamesmanship and insisted she was open to working across the aisle.

The House GOP quickly fired back, pointing out that Republicans have been sounding the alarm on crime for years — long before the governor’s latest pivot, which has come during the waning days of her governorship as she belts out her final swan song to save her political facade. They highlighted proposals they’ve repeatedly introduced, including reforms to juvenile justice, stricter penalties for violent repeat offenders, and bail system changes that keep dangerous criminals off the streets — measures they say the governor and her progressive allies have consistently ignored or blocked.

Adding to the pressure, Senate Republicans weighed in as well, bluntly stating that Democrats have refused “every measure to improve public safety,” despite years of rising crime rates under one-party control in Santa Fe.

The governor’s proposed special session appears to center on just two bills — both of which failed to move forward during the regular session, even with Democrat majorities in both chambers. One proposal would allow local governments to impose curfews, while the other is aimed at broadening pretrial detention for certain offenses. Notably absent are serious reforms to sentencing, repeat offender accountability, or juvenile justice — all issues Republicans have prioritized.

With growing frustration from law enforcement, communities, and even members of her own party, Lujan Grisham’s decision to revive previously rejected bills has sparked questions about whether this special session is truly about crime — or simply about optics.

New Mexicans remain desperate for action, but critics say if the governor’s approach doesn’t change, the session will end just like the last one — with no real solutions and crime still on the rise.

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