MLG

From ‘climate’ crusader to gas saleswoman: MLG’s latest energy pivot

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham hosted Japan’s ambassador to the United States in her Capitol office Monday to tout what she called a “roadmap” for exporting Rocky Mountain natural gas to Asian markets — an ironic move from a governor whose own environmental policies have constrained New Mexico’s oil and gas industry.

Ambassador Shigeo Yamada joined Lujan Grisham, Wyoming Gov. Mark Gordon, and energy executives to discuss a plan crafted by the Western States and Tribal Nations Energy Initiative. The report outlines two potential routes for exporting liquefied natural gas (LNG) — one through the Pacific Northwest and another through Mexico — that could connect the energy-rich Rocky Mountain region to buyers in Japan and other Asian nations.

The “roadmap,” as described on Monday, is not tied to any formal contracts or infrastructure commitments. But advocates say it provides a framework to finally capitalize on the vast natural gas reserves across New Mexico, Colorado, Utah, and Wyoming.

“This collective is a representation of those commitments to New Mexicans, to the people living in Wyoming, the people living in Japan, the people all across the globe,” Lujan Grisham said. “These are jobs and real opportunities while we’re solving real challenges.”

The governor framed the proposal as part of a broader transition away from what she called “carbon-heavy” industries — even though oil and gas remain among New Mexico’s top revenue sources. Her administration’s Energy Transition Act, championed in 2019, imposed some of the nation’s most aggressive renewable energy mandates, raising costs and uncertainty for traditional producers.

Still, Monday’s event reflected the state’s continued dependence on fossil fuels, particularly as Japan looks to secure long-term energy supply lines following a $7-billion-a-year deal with the U.S.

“Importing natural gas from Rocky Mountain states is one of the options we will have on the table,” Ambassador Yamada said.

Lujan Grisham touted the partnership as “the fruits of our trip” to Japan and Singapore earlier this year, when she and state officials met with Asian leaders to promote energy and technology collaboration. She thanked the ambassador for “helping us navigate opportunities between our two countries and by highlighting and learning more about what the Western states have to offer.”

Gordon, a Republican, said politics should not stand in the way of good business. “I hate to say ‘bipartisan,’” he remarked. “This is just good business.”

According to Jason Sandel, chairman of the Western States and Tribal Nations Initiative, Asian demand for liquefied natural gas is expected to double by 2025. He said Rocky Mountain gas could help reduce the continent’s carbon footprint by as much as 40 percent if new export infrastructure is built.

The report identifies seven key gas basins in the region, including New Mexico’s San Juan Basin. It also acknowledges that current production costs in the Rockies make the gas less competitive globally — a problem that could only be solved through “new large-scale infrastructure” and overcoming “difficult geography with mountainous terrain.”

Despite those challenges, the potential upside is considerable. The plan envisions cleaner energy for Western data centers and Asian markets, while avoiding the risks and costs of shipping through the Panama Canal or the Gulf of America.

Lujan Grisham said New Mexico has “nearly unlimited gas reserves” — about 277 trillion cubic feet — and described the report as a major step toward making the state a player in global LNG markets. “That’s a very powerful representation about what we can provide with growing energy demands in this country and frankly beyond,” she said.

However, critics note that Lujan Grisham’s own record on energy regulation could make such ambitions difficult to realize. Her administration’s climate policies — from methane restrictions to renewable mandates — have been viewed by many in the industry as hostile to the very infrastructure she now touts.

The event also included the announcement of a partnership between New Mexico State University and Japanese technology firm Fujitsu to collaborate on computer chip production — another product of Lujan Grisham’s Asia trip.

For now, though, the governor conceded that no concrete plan exists to move Rocky Mountain gas overseas. “There’s still a long way to go,” she said.

From ‘climate’ crusader to gas saleswoman: MLG’s latest energy pivot Read More »

‘Can’t even get cement’: Contractors boycott MLG’s abortion center project

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s multimillion-dollar plan to construct new abortion facilities in New Mexico is reportedly hitting major roadblocks, with contractors across the state refusing to take part in the taxpayer-funded projects.

The Southwest Coalition for Life, a pro-life organization, says the governor’s controversial $10 million abortion and transgender “mega-center” planned for Las Cruces has stalled because local and regional subcontractors are declining to bid on the job, leaving the state scrambling to find anyone willing to pour the foundation.

“They can’t find anyone to build it,” State Sen. David Gallegos (R-Eunice) said during a webcast hosted by the Coalition this week. “They’re reaching out beyond the local area because they can’t find any subcontractors to do any of the work. Keep the prayers up—she will not stop—but you are the only ones standing in the gap to protect life.”

The Las Cruces facility is one of several publicly funded abortion projects pushed by the governor since the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2022 Dobbs decision that overturned Roe v. Wade. In 2023, Lujan Grisham persuaded the Democrat-controlled Legislature to appropriate $10 million for the southern New Mexico complex, to be operated in partnership with the University of New Mexico Health System. Earlier this year, lawmakers approved another $10 million for a second abortion facility in an undisclosed northern New Mexico location.

During the October 2025 special legislative session, the governor also forced through an additional $3 million for Planned Parenthood facilities across the state — a move that critics say deepens New Mexico’s status as one of the nation’s most permissive states for abortion.

But despite the massive state investment, the Las Cruces project has reportedly come to a standstill. Randy McMillan, a local businessman and Coalition supporter, said he personally contacted an El Paso-based contractor that was preparing to bid on the project and informed them about the facility’s purpose.

“When I told him what it really was — an abortion and transgender center that would perform late-term abortions — he was stunned,” McMillan said. “Within hours, he called me back and said, ‘Thank you for telling me the truth. We’re not going to bid it — and I’m calling all my subs to tell them not to bid it either.’”

Days later, McMillan said he received another call: “He said, ‘We did it. No one bid on the project. They can’t even get cement.’”

According to the Coalition, multiple suppliers have since refused to provide materials for the facility, bringing construction to a complete halt. “A multimillion-dollar state project has been stopped by the simple courage of truth and the power of prayer,” the group said.

The Southwest Coalition for Life called the situation a “miracle in motion,” crediting faith-based activism and community resistance for delaying the project. “Every day we delay construction is another day lives are saved,” the group wrote in its update.

Still, pro-life leaders warned that the governor remains determined to push forward and could soon attempt to bring in out-of-state contractors to complete the job. “The battle isn’t over,” said Gallegos. “But God is moving mountains in Las Cruces.”

‘Can’t even get cement’: Contractors boycott MLG’s abortion center project Read More »

‘Unprepared!’: MLG scolds her own party in angry vaccine signing message

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has signed into law one of the most controversial measures from last week’s special legislative session — a bill giving the New Mexico Department of Health unilateral authority over the state’s vaccination requirements for schoolchildren.

The measure, Senate Bill 3, was the final bill awaiting the governor’s signature from the special session she supposedly called to address federal budget cuts to pork, although none of the supposed funding lost under President Donald  Trump’s administration was addressed. 

Unlike the other four bills she signed last week, the governor held off on signing this one, ultimately approving it on Wednesday with a scathing message attacking both Republicans and members of her own party.

Because SB 3 failed to achieve a two-thirds majority vote in the House, it will not take effect until December 31, rather than immediately as Democrats had intended. The bill allows the Department of Health to determine which vaccines are required for children independently of the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices — effectively centralizing vaccine authority in Santa Fe.

The measure was pitched as a response to what the governor’s administration described as “confusion” surrounding shifting CDC guidance on the latest COVID-19 boosters earlier this fall. But opponents warned it would strip away federal guardrails, politicize vaccine policy, and expand government power over parental and medical decisions.

In her signing message, Lujan Grisham lashed out at House Republicans for unanimously opposing the bill, accusing them of “placing the lives of thousands of New Mexicans at risk as we head into peak season for respiratory illnesses such as RSV, the flu, and COVID-19.” She also took the unusual step of publicly rebuking her own Democratic allies for not “defending the urgent need” for the legislation during floor debate.

“I am disappointed with the lack of procedural advocacy by my own party,” she wrote. “They appeared unprepared to defend the urgent need for SB 3.”

Critics say the governor’s rhetoric ignores deeper concerns about government overreach and parental rights. Republican lawmakers argued during the session that SB 3 was unnecessary and dangerous, particularly as trust in public health institutions continues to erode following years of pandemic mandates. They said the governor is attempting to consolidate health power under the state after years of mismanagement and inconsistent COVID-19 policies that devastated schools, families, and small businesses.

Activists across the state immediately reacted to the signing. Sarah Smith, a vocal critic of the measure, posted online shortly after the announcement:

“😳💉💉BREAKING — AS EXPECTED, GOVERNOR LUJAN GRISHAM HAS SIGNED THE NEW VACCINE BILL INTO LAW. This means that vaccines are now mandated for babies and little kids who are in daycare or early childhood programs,” she wrote, warning that religious and medical exemptions “are still allowed, for now.”

Smith added that the law aligns New Mexico’s policy with the American Academy of Pediatrics, a group that has backed removing religious exemptions and expanding COVID-19 mandates for children. “We must stay vigilant,” she urged supporters, linking to an informational page on how to file exemptions and urging New Mexicans to organize for the 2025 session, when more vaccine-related proposals could surface.

Republicans say SB 3 represents another step in the governor’s long pattern of pushing top-down mandates without public input. After years of shuttered schools, forced masking, and business restrictions, they argue, New Mexico parents have had enough. 

‘Unprepared!’: MLG scolds her own party in angry vaccine signing message Read More »

MLG rages over vaccine bill delay after Dems ram through special session bills

The “emergency” special session called by Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham ended this week with all five Democrat-sponsored bills passed, some on party-line votes. However, the real headline was the deep partisan divide and the governor’s furious reaction to Republicans for opposing her vaccine legislation.

The two-day session, which cost taxpayers an estimated $250,000, was ostensibly meant to offset federal funding cuts. But much of the time was consumed by heated exchanges over decorum and the content of the Democrats’ agenda, which Republicans said was drafted in secret and offered little room for participation.

House Minority Leader Gail Armstrong (R-Magdalena) told reporters, “We were shut down in committee. We weren’t brought to the table. We didn’t know the bills that were coming. We got them Sunday night, and then they changed while we were in caucus on Wednesday morning.”

Tensions exploded Thursday when Rep. Rod Montoya (R-Farmington) confronted House Speaker Javier Martínez (D-Albuquerque) over a September 10 Facebook post in which Martínez had referred to President Donald Trump as a “dirty sewer rat” and members of his administration as “fascist clowns.” From the House floor, Montoya said, “I’m bringing this up not to embarrass; that is not the point. The point is, politics, as we know recently and very obviously worldwide in America, has become dangerous.”

Montoya’s comments came after weeks of frustration over Democratic rhetoric, including Rep. Eleanor Chávez (D-Albuquerque) comparing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers to the Ku Klux Klan — a statement widely condemned by Republicans as inflammatory and disrespectful toward law enforcement.

Rep. John Block (R-Alamogordo) also addressed the escalating hostility, saying during an 11-minute speech, “A few weeks ago, a member of this body compared an ICE detention facility … to a concentration camp. Just last week, a member … compared ICE agents to the KKK. And certain individuals, including, unfortunately, the chair, are comparing people who support the president to fascists. … It’s detestable. It’s incomprehensible,” Block urged the House to “tone down the rhetoric” and “not dehumanize our fellow representatives and their beliefs.”

Despite the discord, Democrats passed all five bills: House Bill 1, appropriating $162 million in spending; House Bill 2, expanding subsidized insurance coverage; Senate Bill 1, broadening rural-health grants; Senate Bill 2, restoring Metro Court jurisdiction in competency cases; and Senate Bill 3, a controversial rewrite of the state’s vaccine-policy framework.

Senate Bill 3 removes the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) from New Mexico’s vaccination process, allowing the Department of Health (DOH) to instead base requirements on the American Academy of Pediatrics and other medical groups. It also mandates vaccinations for all licensed childcare and early childhood programs. The bill failed to obtain a two-thirds emergency clause, meaning it will not take effect until December 31.

In a statement issued from her office, Gov. Lujan Grisham lashed out at Republicans for the delay, claiming they “voted on a straight party line to restrict access to COVID-19 vaccines for children in New Mexico for 90 days.” She continued:

“There is no good reason for Republicans to make New Mexicans wait 90 days for vaccines they need to protect their health. I’m deeply disappointed in Republicans for voting to restrict vaccines.”

Her office asserted that the legislation “forces DOH to wait 90 days before they can buy COVID-19 vaccines for children through the Vaccine Purchasing Program.”

Republicans rejected the governor’s characterization, noting that the bill’s delay was procedural — the result of Democrats failing to reach a two-thirds supermajority. They also emphasized that existing law already permits exemptions for religious or medical reasons and that no vaccines are being “restricted.”

Outside the rhetoric, the session’s policy outcomes were largely predictable: millions in new spending, an expanded subsidy system that reaches high-income households, and yet another attempt to centralize authority in the executive branch.

As Montoya warned, “Politics has become dangerous.” The governor’s own combative tone after the session underscored his point — proving that New Mexico’s special session may have ended, but its divisions are only growing deeper.

MLG rages over vaccine bill delay after Dems ram through special session bills Read More »

Leftists sit in makeshift cage outside of Roundhouse to protest ICE

Pro-illegal immigrant activists staged a small demonstration outside the New Mexico Roundhouse on Wednesday, upset that Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham and Democrat leaders didn’t include their pet proposal—a ban on U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention facilities—on the agenda for the special session.

For weeks, the far-left groups have clamored for the state to shut down ICE operations in New Mexico, even though the three detention centers in Otero, Torrance, and Cibola counties provide jobs, serve a critical law enforcement purpose, and support national immigration security. Their disappointment turned to theatrics on Wednesday as fewer than two dozen protesters built a makeshift “cage” and staged mock performances reading detainee complaints.

One protester, Fernanda Banda, whined that waiting until January for debate was “not good enough.” She added, “If the governor doesn’t want to put us on the agenda, we’ll bring detention to her.” Banda and others acted out scenes of victimhood, attempting to dramatize conditions at the Torrance County Detention Center.

Andres Esquivel, a spokesperson for the New Mexico Dream Team, struck a familiar note, claiming, “As people are getting picked up on the streets by ICE, they’re being thrown into cages, they’re being separated from their families.” In reality, those held in ICE custody are there because they have violated U.S. immigration law—not because agents are roaming around looking for random people to lock up.

Democrats themselves admitted the session was supposed to be “scaled back.” Gov. Lujan Grisham’s spokesman Michael Coleman previously stated that while she hopes to pass “the strongest bill possible” banning ICE detention centers, she left it out after legislative leaders pushed to narrow the session’s scope. Senate Majority Leader Peter Wirth (D-Santa Fe) even conceded the measure doesn’t have a clear path forward in the Senate, saying bluntly, “I don’t know yet. That’s why we need the time to get it right.”

Still, the activists threw their tantrum. Jovanny Hernandez, another protester, declared, “New Mexico has an opportunity to end our complicity in the private prison carceral system for the detention of [illegal] immigrants.” Translation: they want New Mexico to stop enforcing immigration law altogether and turn the state into a sanctuary free-for-all.

Republicans, meanwhile, have taken a far more realistic approach. Back in August, GOP legislators toured the Otero County Processing Center and reported that conditions were fine. They praised the facility for providing jobs and supporting border enforcement. Contrary to the protesters’ doom-and-gloom narrative, these facilities help keep dangerous criminal aliens off the streets while bolstering the local economy. They are also state-of-the-art, beautiful, clean facilities.

The demonstration fizzled out by the afternoon, but not before activists once again revealed their true priorities: undermining federal immigration enforcement and indulging in political theater. With so many pressing crises facing New Mexico—crime, a doctor shortage, and an unraveling child welfare system—Democrat leaders were right to sideline this fringe issue.

The fact remains: ICE detention centers are lawful, necessary, and beneficial to New Mexico communities. The handful of protesters playing jailhouse in front of the Roundhouse may have made for good photo-ops, but their antics don’t change reality. Just like the Palestine protesters who regularly disrupt events across the country with shrill, uninformed theatrics, these anti-ICE activists showed once again that they care more about radical symbolism than about solutions.

Leftists sit in makeshift cage outside of Roundhouse to protest ICE Read More »

Urgent crises ignored as MLG pushes vaccine mandates, attacks on Trump

As New Mexico’s Oct. 1 special legislative session looms, Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham and Democrat leadership are under fire for prioritizing a political agenda over pressing crises facing the state—namely, a crippling doctor shortage, an unraveling child welfare system, and rampant crime.

Rather than confronting the root causes behind the exodus of medical providers, such as ballooning medical malpractice insurance premiums and restrictive licensure laws, the governor appears intent on advancing vaccine mandates and targeting President Donald Trump in the session. Critics say that priority inversion amounts to political theater at the expense of real, urgent needs.

Vaccine mandates, not malpractice reform

The surprise inclusion of vaccination policy in the special session agenda has drawn sharp criticism. Senate Majority Leader Peter Wirth told Source NM that the bill would allow the New Mexico Department of Health to “set their own standards,” decoupling state policy from shifting federal rules. “The federal standards are being thrown all over the place,” Wirth said. “As we go into COVID season and flu season, we’ve got to make sure vaccines are available based on the recommendations of our health folks, not tied to the federal standards.” 

The governor’s office confirmed vaccines are “on the call,” though the exact language has not yet been released. The agenda item is meant to attack the Trump administration’s move to empower parents to choose vaccinations for their children under the leadership of the U.S. Health and Human Services Sec. Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.

Under Lujan Grisham’s rule during COVID-19, she locked down the state—killing an innumerable amount of jobs—and also pushed the strictest vaccine mandates in the entire country, if not the world. 

Meanwhile, neither advanced malpractice reform nor interstate medical compacts are slated for consideration. Think New Mexico and other advocacy groups have long argued that interstate licensure compacts (which would allow doctors licensed in other states to practice in New Mexico more easily) are among the most straightforward levers to ease the doctor shortage. Yet, powerful trial attorney interests have consistently opposed those compacts because they would limit their ability to sue entities participating in the compacts. 

To make matters worse, New Mexico’s medical malpractice environment is a key driver behind the state’s vanishing provider base. Premiums have soared due to a combination of aggressive litigation incentives and caps that increased liability exposure. Hospitals—especially public and rural ones—face ballooning insurance bills that threaten to outstrip their ability to pay. Yet, the special session package does not include serious reforms, such as capping attorney fees, reforming damage awards, or restructuring the patient compensation fund. 

CYFD chaos and crime get short shrift

New Mexico’s Children, Youth, and Families Department (CYFD) remains in crisis. The agency is beset by chronic staffing shortages, legal backlogs, and tragic system failures. Yet the special session agenda, as currently known, offers no targeted intervention. It also has no current secretary, as the previous CYFD chief, Teresa Casados, abruptly “retired.” 

Similarly, violent crime continues to plague New Mexico’s streets. Earlier this year, Gov. Lujan Grisham touted a “crime and behavioral health” package she signed into law. Nevertheless, many critics argue that those laws constitute incremental steps rather than comprehensive reform, and that punitive policing strategies alone haven’t stemmed the tide of violence.

While Lujan Grisham initially floated addressing crime in this session, Republicans urged the inclusion of juvenile justice and public safety measures. However, Democratic leadership has resisted expanding the agenda—the result is no immediate legislative strategy to turbocharge criminal justice reform.

Meaningless Trump-bashing over meaningful action

Observers say this special session may mark a turning point in public confidence in state leadership. Instead of tackling arguably the most glaring failures—physician departures, child welfare breakdown, and spiraling crime—the governor seems more intent on attacking Trump and anchoring vaccine policy in state law.

Some Democratic staffers and allied groups have urged inclusion of medical compacts, warning that missing the federal funding window for rural hospitals would be costly. The risk is that, by prioritizing politically charged measures, the administration will lose its chance to address structural ailments that have burdened New Mexicans for years.

Urgent crises ignored as MLG pushes vaccine mandates, attacks on Trump Read More »

MLG plans to massively expand expensive socialist ‘free’ program

Starting November 1, Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham plans to make New Mexico the first state in the nation to provide no-cost child care to every family, regardless of income. That means even millionaires’ children will be entitled to “free” (taxpayer-funded) daycare — all at the expense of hardworking taxpayers.

At a press conference in Santa Fe, the governor boasted that so-called “universal child care” is the “backbone” of her plan to support families. “There are so many people across the country that say [universal child care is] impossible — not impossible,” Lujan Grisham said, adding that she believes subsidizing care for all families will “lift New Mexico out of poverty.”

But the plan comes with an enormous price tag. New Mexico’s Early Childhood Education and Care Department already spends $463 million annually on subsidies. Expanding the program statewide will require at least another $120 million every year — pushing the total tab toward $600 million in recurring spending. The governor says she will ask lawmakers during the upcoming 30-day session to cover the shortfall.

Currently, families earning up to 400% of the federal poverty level — roughly $106,600 for a family of three — already qualify for free care. The new rule removes those limits entirely, opening the program to every household, regardless of wealth. “This amounts to an average annual family savings of $12,000 per child,” the governor’s office admitted in a release, underscoring just how much taxpayers are expected to shoulder for families who could easily afford care on their own.

Critics are warning of the consequences. Sen. George Muñoz (D-Gallup), chair of the powerful Senate Finance Committee, questioned how the governor expects to sustain such massive recurring costs. “I don’t know how they’re going to explain that to people when they don’t have the money to pay for everyone’s child care,” Muñoz said.

The Legislative Finance Committee has also cautioned that expanding eligibility disproportionately benefits higher-income families, leaving fewer resources for low-income, at-risk children. House Republicans have blasted the program as “nannies for millionaires,” writing:

“New Mexico already provides free child care for families up to 400% of the federal poverty level. Now Democrats want taxpayers to subsidize childcare for the wealthy, while ignoring real emergencies like our doctor shortage, failing CYFD, and rising crime. Gov. Lujan Grisham is out of touch with what New Mexico families are actually facing.”

Despite these warnings, the governor brushed aside concerns, claiming wealthy families won’t really use the program. “They’re not going to use this system by and large, so why develop a system that works just in that way?” she said, according to the Santa Fe New Mexican report by Daniel Chacón. Yet her own administration admits the plan will add thousands of new slots — and demands more construction spending to build facilities to handle the expansion.

In total, the governor’s “universal” scheme represents a quarter-billion-dollar hike in taxpayer obligations, with no guardrails to prevent subsidizing the childcare of the rich. Meanwhile, pressing crises like New Mexico’s failing child welfare agency, doctor shortages, and rising crime continue to go unaddressed.

For Lujan Grisham, though, “universal” means everyone — even millionaires’ kids. For New Mexicans, it means a bigger bullseye on their paychecks to cover the growing cost of government handouts.

MLG plans to massively expand expensive socialist ‘free’ program Read More »

Governor’s special session ignores crime crisis, focuses on bashing Trump

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham announced Thursday that she will convene lawmakers in a special session beginning Oct. 1, 2025, citing what she called “devastating” federal budget cuts signed into law by President Donald Trump.

According to the governor’s office, the session will focus on preserving access to critical services in the wake of steep reductions to Medicaid and food assistance programs. The administration’s proposed agenda includes stabilizing rural health care providers through grants, lowering health insurance costs for families losing Medicaid coverage, boosting food aid for children and seniors, and shoring up the state’s Health Care Authority as it braces for new Medicaid enrollment changes.

“New Mexicans should not be forced to shoulder these heavy burdens without help from their elected officials,” Lujan Grisham said, blaming Washington for forcing costs onto the states. Legislative Democrats echoed her message. Senate Majority Leader Peter Wirth (D-Santa Fe) called the session “essential to protect our rural healthcare providers, safeguard Medicaid coverage, and ensure that New Mexicans don’t bear the burden of federal failures.”

House Speaker Javier Martínez (D-Albuquerque) struck an even sharper tone, saying, “New Mexico is not going to allow Trump and the radical right to take food off your table or kick your family off your healthcare plan.”

But Republicans say the governor’s priorities miss the mark. Senate GOP leaders announced they will use the special session to again press for tougher juvenile justice laws, stronger accountability for repeat offenders, reforms at the troubled Children, Youth and Families Department, and changes to medical malpractice policies they argue would expand health care access.

GOP lawmakers argue that past Democratic opposition has blocked common-sense reforms aimed at curbing crime and protecting vulnerable children. They also point to long-standing Democratic resistance to joining the Interstate Medical Licensure Compact, a move they contend would attract more doctors to the state.

This October’s meeting will mark the seventh special session under Lujan Grisham’s tenure. The governor has also indicated she wants to fold in discussions of behavioral health challenges tied to public safety, which could stretch into next year’s regular 30-day session.

The political clash sets up a familiar dynamic: Democrats framing the gathering as a shield against federal cuts, while Republicans push to address crime, child welfare, and health care reforms they say New Mexicans have demanded for years.

Governor’s special session ignores crime crisis, focuses on bashing Trump Read More »

MLG’s top aides cash in: Raises up to 26% while state workers get 4%

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s office has granted sizable raises to roughly 20 senior aides—some as high as 26%—far outpacing the 4% increase most state employees received this year.

Spokesman Michael Coleman defended the adjustments as a response to “market realities,” noting the aides are effectively on call around the clock. “The governor’s senior staff salaries were adjusted to reflect the extraordinary level of expertise and experience they bring to serving New Mexico,” Coleman said. “These seasoned professionals could command higher compensation in the private sector but choose public service.”

Republican leaders objected, arguing taxpayers aren’t seeing commensurate results while the state contends with persistent problems in health care, homelessness, and child welfare. “With so many urgent challenges facing our communities, taxpayers deserve to see meaningful results, not just expanding payrolls for political appointees,” said House Minority Leader Gail Armstrong, R-Magdalena.

Salary records on the state Sunshine Portal show Chief of Staff Daniel Schlegel’s pay moving from $201,893 to $234,000 (16%). General Counsel Holly Agajanian received a 19% increase to $208,000. Deputy Chief of Staff Diego Arencon and Director of Cabinet Affairs Caroline Buerkle each rose 9%. The largest percentage bump went to administrative assistant Leah Mountain, whose salary climbed 26% to $78,000. Coleman himself received a 10% raise.

All state employees received a 4% boost effective July 1 under the $10.8 billion budget approved in March. The Governor’s Office did not specify when its senior staff raises were authorized; if approved before July, the across-the-board 4% would be calculated on the higher base. Coleman framed the larger increases as targeted to “specialized executive roles,” adding, “These professionals have helped secure billions in federal investments, navigate unprecedented challenges, and position New Mexico as a national leader on multiple fronts. That expertise has value, and the governor believes that retaining it serves every New Mexican’s interest.”

This isn’t the first time top aides have seen notable pay hikes under Lujan Grisham. Similar raises were approved in late 2022 and early 2023 after her reelection, and about eight senior staffers received sizable increases in 2020 during the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The governor’s own salary remains $110,000, unchanged since she took office in 2019 because statewide elected officials’ pay is set in statute. Lujan Grisham signed a 2023 law raising those salaries beginning in 2027—after her term—setting the next governor’s pay at $169,714.

Other branches have also lifted compensation. New Mexico Chief Investment Officer Vince Smith’s June raise of nearly 40% makes him the state’s highest-paid employee at $455,000, with many Investment Office staff also receiving increases. Legislative Finance Committee Director Charles Sallee’s salary rose from $193,640 to $213,200 this year, according to Sunshine Portal data.

We have previously exclusively reported on Lujan Grisham’s extravagant staff raises, such as in 2023, where she lavished huge pay bumps to staffers.

MLG’s top aides cash in: Raises up to 26% while state workers get 4% Read More »

‘No right is absolute’: MLG’s past haunts her after new crime comments

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham (D-NM) told Axios this week that Democrats should be “tough on crime,” touting her deployment of the National Guard to Española and Albuquerque while attempting to contrast her approach with that of former President Donald Trump.

“I think Democrats ought to be tough on crime,” Lujan Grisham told Axios. “But being tough on crime does not mean that you are breaching people’s constitutional rights, like free speech.”

The governor insisted that her deployments were cooperative measures with local governments, adding, “The difference between Trump and me is that I’m working with local authorities and not imposing my will on them to fight crime.”

But critics quickly pointed out the irony. Lujan Grisham has repeatedly breached constitutional rights during her time in office. During the COVID-19 pandemic, she imposed sweeping unilateral mandates on businesses, churches, and gatherings that shuttered much of the state and drew legal challenges. More recently, she attempted to suspend New Mexicans’ constitutional right to bear arms in Bernalillo County and Albuquerque through a controversial executive order. That order was immediately struck down by a federal judge appointed by Joe Biden, who reminded the governor that constitutional rights cannot simply be erased by executive fiat.

At the time of that order, Lujan Grisham defended her move with the shocking claim: “No constitutional right, in my view, including my oath, is intended to be absolute.” That led to calls for impeachment and an effort by state Reps. Stefani Lord and John Block have continued to propose impeaching her, a measure they have brought forward at each legislative session.

That statement has continued to haunt the governor, particularly as she now attempts to position herself as a defender of constitutional rights while deploying state military forces into communities plagued by violence. Albuquerque, for example, ranks among the most dangerous cities in the world, with crime levels rivaling cities like Caracas, Mogadishu, and Tijuana.

The New Mexico Shooting Sports Association blasted Lujan Grisham’s Axios comments on social media, writing:

“In September 2023, @GovMLG tried to nullify the Second Amendment in Bernalillo County through executive order in the name of ‘fighting crime.’ We had to sue her immediately to stop her flagrantly unconstitutional actions.”

Other New Mexicans also expressed outrage. Rose Griswold wrote in response: “Breaching people’s constitutional rights is A-okay when it’s their 2nd Amendment rights, though, huh Michelle?”

The governor’s remarks highlight a growing political divide over crime policy as Democrats like Lujan Grisham and California’s Gavin Newsom attempt to recast themselves as “tough” without embracing the effective enforcement strategies associated with Trump and Republicans. However, her record of executive overreach and constitutional violations complicates her messaging.

As violent crime continues to plague New Mexico—particularly Albuquerque—Lujan Grisham faces mounting criticism not only for failing to curb lawlessness, but also for attempting to erode rights in the name of public safety as her final years as governor come to a close. Her claim that she differs from Trump because she “works with local authorities” — completely untrue — may do little to reassure New Mexicans who remember her sweeping mandates, restrictions, and failed attempts to suspend fundamental liberties.

‘No right is absolute’: MLG’s past haunts her after new crime comments Read More »

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