oil and gas

$10 billion reasons NM can’t afford to abandon oil and gas

New Mexico’s energy landscape is deeply intertwined with its economic stability and political priorities. The state’s renewable energy sector has grown in recent years, but oil and gas remain the cornerstone of its prosperity, providing unparalleled economic benefits and reliable energy for both the state and the nation. Despite efforts to transition to renewable energy, significant concerns exist about the long-term viability and fairness of these alternatives, particularly when compared to the proven success of oil and gas.

New Mexico is a leading oil and gas producer, thanks to its location within the resource-rich Permian Basin. In 2023 alone, the state’s oil and gas industry generated over $10 billion in revenues, enabling New Mexico to fund schools, healthcare, infrastructure, and public safety.

According to the New Mexico Oil and Gas Association, these revenues accounted for more than 40% of the state’s budget. Unlike renewables, the oil and gas industry pays significant excise taxes, royalties, and other fees to the state, ensuring a steady revenue stream and providing well-paying jobs to thousands of New Mexicans. The economic benefits of oil and gas are unmatched, supporting virtually every facet of the state’s government and public services.

In contrast, renewable energy—especially wind and solar—has faced criticism for its dependency on heavy government subsidies. According to a 2022 report from the Energy Information Administration (EIA), federal and state subsidies for wind and solar projects in New Mexico have amounted to hundreds of millions of dollars annually. Without these subsidies, many renewable projects would struggle to remain financially viable.

Additionally, wind and solar farms do not pay excise taxes comparable to those imposed on oil and gas production, creating a significant disparity. This is particularly troubling given that much of the renewable energy generated in New Mexico is exported to states like California and Arizona, leaving New Mexicans to bear the environmental costs without receiving proportional economic benefits.

Renewable energy projects also raise environmental concerns. Studies, such as a 2020 report published in the journal Nature Sustainability, highlight the significant land use associated with wind and solar farms, which often disrupt local ecosystems. Furthermore, the disposal of solar panels and wind turbine blades poses long-term environmental challenges, as these materials are difficult to recycle. The intermittent nature of wind and solar power requires backup systems, often relying on natural gas, to maintain grid reliability, undermining claims that renewables can fully replace fossil fuels.

Many New Mexicans remain steadfast in their support for the oil and gas industry. Beyond its economic contributions, oil and gas provide a reliable energy source that underpins the state’s infrastructure. Proponents argue that instead of shifting prematurely to renewables, New Mexico should focus on making its oil and gas operations more environmentally sustainable. Measures like the Methane Waste Prevention Act demonstrate that it is possible to balance economic growth with environmental stewardship without abandoning a proven industry.

Ultimately, New Mexico’s energy future must prioritize what works: oil and gas, supplemented by nuclear energy for sustainable and reliable power generation. Renewables, while a component of the energy mix, cannot compete with the economic and practical advantages of these established energy sources. By focusing on oil, gas, and nuclear power, New Mexico can secure its economic prosperity and maintain its role as an energy leader for decades to come.

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Economist outlines why NM’s green dream is a ‘regressive tax’

A recent op-ed by Kenneth Costello, a regulatory economist, has sparked debate over New Mexico’s aggressive clean energy policies. Published on Master Resource, the piece criticizes the state’s Energy Transition Act (ETA – also known as its Green New Deal), and related mandates, arguing they impose higher energy costs on consumers, especially low-income households, while providing minimal environmental benefits.

Costello’s critique begins with a sobering assertion: “New Mexico has one of the highest poverty rates in the country. Higher energy prices are, in effect, a regressive tax that places low-income households in the state in peril.” He argues that the ETA’s stringent renewable energy mandates, which require 50% renewable energy by 2030 and 100% by 2050, will significantly raise electricity rates. The burden of these increased costs, he notes, will fall hardest on the state’s most vulnerable populations.

The piece outlines three “hard truths” that Costello believes should shape New Mexico’s energy policy. The first is that New Mexico’s clean energy efforts will have “no climate benefit” due to the minimal impact a single state’s actions have on global climate change. Costello references data showing that even if the entire Paris Agreement were fully implemented, it would only reduce global temperatures by 0.17 degrees Celsius by 2100. He points out that unless large emitters like China and India fully participate, state-level initiatives are effectively symbolic and economically self-destructive.

The second “truth” is that clean energy mandates drive up prices. Costello argues that the ETA creates a “moral hazard” for utilities like the Public Service Company of New Mexico (PNM), which is allowed to recover costs associated with shutting down fossil fuel plants. This incentivizes PNM to comply with costly mandates while passing expenses on to ratepayers. “The losers from this bootleggers-and-Baptists coalition are energy consumers,” Costello writes, highlighting how utilities face reduced accountability under the ETA’s cost-recovery provisions.

The third truth concerns the “cost-benefit failure” of clean energy mandates. Costello contends that clean energy policies like tax credits for electric vehicles (EVs) and renewable energy mandates fail any rigorous cost-benefit analysis. By prioritizing special interests and “quasi-religious” climate activism over practical economics, New Mexico’s policies ignore the financial toll on residents and the broader state economy.

Costello’s op-ed critiques the “specious reasoning” behind clean energy advocacy, asserting that politicians and the media exaggerate climate threats to justify costly policies. He argues that scientific uncertainty is often downplayed in public discourse, while media coverage inflates the likelihood of worst-case climate scenarios. “One must then ask why New Mexico is so committed to promoting clean energy?” Costello asks, suggesting that rent-seeking special interests, not the public good, are driving policy decisions.

Highlighting examples from other regions, Costello warns that New Mexico risks following in the footsteps of California and Germany, where aggressive clean energy policies have led to skyrocketing energy costs and economic decline. He points to data showing that electricity rates in California’s major cities increased by as much as 63% from 2020 to 2023. Germany’s “Energiewende” program, he notes, has similarly driven up power costs while diminishing the nation’s industrial competitiveness.

The op-ed concludes with a cautionary note about the unintended consequences of government-led energy transitions. Costello emphasizes that effective energy policy must balance costs and benefits, account for economic trade-offs, and prioritize the well-being of consumers. Without these considerations, he warns, New Mexico risks further economic hardship, especially for low-income households, and will see “diminished economic efficiency, lower economic growth, and amplified economic inequality.”

Kenneth Costello’s analysis offers a stark warning for New Mexico’s policymakers as they push forward with their clean energy agenda. His call for greater scrutiny of energy mandates echoes broader national debates on the economic impact of green energy policies.

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NM’s oil industry: No. 2 producer in the nation despite state’s Green New Deal

As of 2024, the United States remains the largest crude oil producer in the world, maintaining its top position since 2018. While Texas often steals the spotlight, New Mexico has emerged as a vital player, ranking as the second-largest oil-producing state. This rise has cemented New Mexico’s role in driving U.S. energy production forward.

New Mexico produced an impressive 665.55 million barrels of oil in 2023, accounting for 14.1% of the country’s total crude oil output. In August 2024 alone, the state contributed 64.85 million barrels, showcasing steady production growth. 

According to the Independent Petroleum Association of New Mexico (IPANM), “New Mexico is the second-largest domestic oil producer and one of three states that saw an increase in production from 2019 to 2020, despite the reduced demand brought about by the pandemic.” This resilience underscores the state’s ability to adapt and thrive, even in challenging market conditions.

Much of New Mexico’s success stems from its access to the Permian Basin, a geological treasure trove of oil reserves. Advances in drilling technologies, such as horizontal drilling and hydraulic fracturing, have played a significant role in unlocking these resources. 

The state’s efforts have not only elevated its oil output but also bolstered its economy. The industry provides over $2.5 billion annually to fund essential public services, including education, infrastructure, and healthcare, while serving as New Mexico’s largest employer.

Despite its reliance on oil, New Mexico has balanced its energy dominance with a focus on broader economic contributions. As IPANM notes, “Despite oil’s historical and economic importance in New Mexico, mining, including oil and natural gas production, accounts for just one-tenth of its GDP.” This duality highlights the need for diversification to ensure long-term economic stability.

New Mexico’s transportation sector, responsible for over 80% of the state’s petroleum consumption, further underscores the importance of its oil industry. 

Despite New Mexico being a leader in oil production, far-left New Mexico Democrat leaders passed the “Energy Transition Act,” the state’s Green New Deal, in 2019, aiming to annihilate the industry by the next decade. 

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Radical eco-left ‘setbacks’ on oil and gas would bleed state’s budget dry

Far-left Democrat New Mexico lawmakers, who control both chambers of the state’s legislature, are considering bringing back previously failed attempted restrictions on oil and gas drilling, which will irreparably crush the state’s production and revenue over the coming years, according to a recent report from the state’s chief economist, as reported by OilPrice.com

The proposed rules would impose setbacks to prevent drilling near residential, educational, and environmental zones, potentially reducing future oil output by 5.4%. In a recent legislative hearing, so-called “experts” pushing the proposal admitted they wished these proposed one-mile ban zones were actually 12 miles in radius, which would entirely decimate most of New Mexico’s oil-rich Permian Basin and oil deposits in the northwest corner of the state. 

This decrease following the one-mile setback would mean a loss of about 12.5 million barrels in the first year alone, with an anticipated total of over 35 million barrels lost by the early 2030s. This production drop could peak in economic impact by 2034, potentially costing the state up to $4.5 billion annually.

The proposed legislation would require drilling operations to maintain a distance of at least 2,250 feet from homes, schools, health facilities, water bodies, and irrigation areas. Supporters like the environmental group “Earthworks” argue — without any evidence or data — that these setbacks are vital for protecting public health. 

However, industry leaders caution that the economic consequences for New Mexico could be substantial. Dr. Missi Currier, CEO of the New Mexico Oil & Gas Association, noted that a statewide setback could “hinder oil and gas development and weaken the state’s economic footing.”

As the second-largest oil-producing state in the nation, New Mexico has experienced record revenue growth from the Permian Basin’s oil production boom, particularly over the past two years. 

Yet, state leaders are increasingly caught between maximizing revenue and pursuing radical “environmental” targets, including significant greenhouse gas (GHG) reductions. 

A recent Environmental Defense Fund study indicates that New Mexico is unlikely to meet its 2030 emissions goals, highlighting the growing scrutiny on the industry. Environmental oversight is also intensifying following a June court decision in Atencio v. State, which allows a lawsuit to proceed, challenging the state’s responsibility to protect natural resources under its constitution.

Radical eco-left bills are certain to be introduced in the next legislative session, and depending on how many seats Republicans pick up in the state Senate and House will determine if the oil and gas industry can survive these budget-killing, industry-crippling attacks.

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Dem NM land commissioner shakes down oil producers for more cash

The New Mexico State Land Office has announced a pause on leasing its most lucrative oil and natural gas sites in the Permian Basin after legislation during the 2024 Legislative Session to shake down oil and gas producers for more money via higher royalty rates failed. 

Land Commissioner Stephanie Garcia Richard highlighted the effort to increase the current top royalty rate of 20 percent to 25 percent, a move that has seen repeated setbacks despite the Democrats dominating both chambers of the Legislature.

The proposal aims to align New Mexico’s royalty rates with those of Texas, which can go as high as 25 percent for oil and gas extraction on state trust lands. The Permian Basin, a hotspot for drilling, spans southeastern New Mexico and parts of western Texas. Texas’ royalty rates haven’t risen since the late 1990s, so the sudden attempt to hike rates appears solely politically motivated.

Revenue from oil and gas royalties in New Mexico contributes to a substantial investment trust that supports public education, universities, and healthcare institutions. 

Garcia Richard emphasized her duty to optimize returns for the beneficiaries, stating, “I am a fiduciary on behalf of the school kids. It’s my job to make them the most money possible, and leasing these tracts below market rate means that school kids are subsidizing the oil and gas activity.” But with pauses on these leases, there will be no revenue coming in on the tracts in question.

The New Mexico Oil and Gas Association, through its CEO Missi Currier, expressed concern that halting new leases could disadvantage both the industry and the public who benefit from the revenues. Currier noted that New Mexico’s existing tax and royalty framework is competitive with neighboring states. 

The Independent Petroleum Association of New Mexico’s Executive Director Jim Winchester wrote following the news, “The State Land Office has unilaterally decided to cut off future revenues to state beneficiaries and the general fund by suspending new leasing of premium tracts. IPANM strongly opposes this action especially considering the decision was abruptly announced without any consideration of the economic impact to all New Mexicans.”

The suspension of lease sales, starting with up to six leases in March’s auction, represents a small fraction of total transactions but signals a significant shift in policy. Garcia Richard re-elected for a second term in 2022, acknowledged the short-term loss of revenue from bonus payments due to the suspension but likened the strategy to a homeowner waiting for a more favorable market to sell property, emphasizing the long-term financial benefits. Time will tell if Richard’s shakedown will work. 

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Eco-leftists to resurrect thrice failed extreme assault on oil and gas

Advocates aiming to incorporate the “Green Amendment” into the New Mexico Constitution are gearing up for another attempt in the upcoming legislative session, with the goal of placing it on the November 2024 ballot. This marks the fourth endeavor, as the previous three attempts failed to progress beyond the legislative floor.

Sen. Antoinette Sedillo Lopez (D-Bernalillo) is spearheading the effort once again, emphasizing the significance of the “right” to a clean environment for New Mexicans. Addressing the Water and Natural Resources Committee last week, she drew parallels between environmental rights and fundamental freedoms like speech and religion.

Sedillo Lopez claimed, “By placing the environmental rights in our Constitution’s Bill of Rights, we are ensuring that they are given the same legal and constitutional standing as other inalienable rights of fundamental importance to all New Mexicans. We recognize the importance of protecting our speech rights, our religious freedoms, and our civil rights, and it is just as important to protect the rights of our people to clean water and air, a healthy climate, and the environment.”

The proposed amendment outlines that the people of New Mexico should have entitlement to clean and healthy air, water, soil, and environments, including a stable climate and self-sustaining ecosystems, all for the benefit of public health, safety, and general welfare. Furthermore, it emphasizes the state’s responsibility to protect these rights equitably, irrespective of factors such as race, ethnicity, tribal membership status, gender, socio-economic status, or geography.

The vague language in the proposed amendment would mean agencies such as the State Land Office, run by rabidly anti-energy Secretary Stephanie Garcia Richard, would have 100% dominion over state land and water rights. Also, the conflicting science put forth by many left-wing conspiracy theorists regarding “climate change” could dictate what the constitutional amendment’s definition of “a stable climate” is. 

Now that the thrice failed legislation is once again being resurrected, it is unlikely the fringe legislation will get far in a 30-day 2024 session, with opposition from all Republicans and likely some Democrats. Still, New Mexicans must remain alert about the horrific impacts the legislation could have if rammed through.

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Thanks to oil and gas, NM will again have a massive budget surplus

The Legislative Finance Committee anticipates a significant fiscal boost in the coming years, with projections indicating a staggering $3.5 billion influx into the state’s coffers for the upcoming budget year thanks to the oil and gas industry, which New Mexico Democrats ravenously want to kneecap with anti-energy policies. While some of this windfall will be directed toward bolstering “rainy day” funds, policymakers are already formulating strategies to allocate the remaining funds, ranging from tax reform to healthcare initiatives, during the forthcoming legislative session.

Amid this financial abundance, the legislature’s focus extends to throwing billions more into the “Early Childhood Trust Fund,” which uses taxpayer cash to bankroll “free” daycare. State Sen. Pat Woods (R-Curry, Quay, and Union Counties) contends that certain programs have reached a point of overfunding. He aims to redirect these surplus resources towards future-oriented endeavors, asserting, “We have so much money in the program right now that we are not able to, we are about to the maximum, of what we can employ for state government… we can’t produce much more programs.”

Meanwhile, the topic of tax reform emerges as a priority for New Mexico House Republican Minority Leader Ryan Lane. He highlights the discrepancy between the state’s high personal income taxes and the existing surplus, emphasizing the need for comprehensive tax legislation that could ease the financial burden on working-class taxpayers. Lane’s perspective underscores the opportunity to enhance the financial well-being of New Mexico’s residents.

For state Democrats, higher education looms as a pivotal focus. This financial windfall is regarded as an unprecedented chance to strengthen educational initiatives while also safeguarding resources for leaner budgetary years. 

State Sen. George K. Muñoz (D-Cibola, McKinley, and San Juan), the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, praised the prospect of maintaining consistent education funding and extending opportunities like the opportunity scholarships for accessible and free education. Muñoz underscores the fiscal potential that enables these progressive steps.

State Rep. Nathan Small (D-Doña Ana County), chairman of the House Appropriations and Finance Committee, aligns with the extravagant education-centric approach of his colleagues. He advocates for more money to be thrown into education. Small’s vision encompasses broader improvements in the state’s overall healthcare framework, particularly emphasizing the need to enhance behavioral healthcare services.

Small notes, “Substance use treatment, investments in health care, investments to expand reimbursement, so that there are more health care professionals who can see and serve New Mexicans.”

As policymakers prepare to convene for the upcoming legislative session, allocating these massive funds remains a critical discussion. The potential to address a spectrum of issues, from education and healthcare to tax reform, holds the promise of enhancing the well-being of New Mexico’s citizens and the state’s overall trajectory.

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Reports show projections for NM’s cash cow: Oil and gas

New Mexico’s far-left legislative majorities in the legislature and two-term stronghold on the governorship have achieved extreme policies thanks to the billions garnered from the oil and gas boom. 

The Legislative Finance Committee (LFC) released a July 21 report showing revenue at $8.99 billion through March for Fiscal Year 2023, running from July 1, 2022, to June 30, 2023. That figure is up $1.9 billion or 27 percent. 

However, the IHS Markit and Moody’s Investors Service reports show a projected decline in oil and gas production after peaks between 2028-2033.

“This could mean the start of a decline in New Mexico’s now-booming oil and gas production, dropping from a forecast 2 million bopd in 2030 to as low as about 500,000 bopd by 2050, according to the presentation,” reported the Carlsbad Current-Argus.

New Mexico’s Chief Economist Leo Delgado said, “You can see New Mexico is currently on the upslope of that oil production trendline with production expected to increase in the next couple of years,” adding, “You see that it’s on the upslope, but it does start to plateau in the early 2030s before it starts to gradually decline.”

He noted that New Mexico’s wells are “highly-productive” in “the first few months of operations, but taper off quicky, meaning more wells must be drilled and put into service,” the report noted.

“New Mexico has some very productive wells, very high-yield wells, very conducive well economics, low break-even points,” he said. “In order to maintain those levels of production, that activity must continue.”

“The expectation is production will slow. It will be at a much slower pace and that’s where we start to see New Mexico production still at elevated levels but at a declining rate year over year when we look at the long-term,” he continued, according to the Current-Argus.

With anti-energy Democrats currently in charge of the state, their eco-left, job-killing policies cause the projected decline and thus their cash cow for high-ticket investments, including taxpayer-funded “free” college and “universal” free daycare. 

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Chevron, largest acreage owner in the Permian, selling its NM, TX land

According to a Reuters report, Chevron is selling its Texas and New Mexico properties in the Permian Basin up for sale as it attempts to divest from the region.

The outlet wrote, “This month, it launched an auction for a parcel covering 2,134 net acres in New Mexico and a second covering 29,901 acres in the New Mexico and Texas, according to listings on the EnergyNet online auction site.”

“The combined value is about $100 million, according to a source familiar with shale asset values. Both bids are due on July 27, according to marketing brochures.”

Reuters noted, “Production at the larger parcel on offer was estimated at about 770,000 barrels of oil and gas net and the smaller parcel was estimated to be about 1,818 barrels of oil and gas equivalent (boe) per day, according to the documents.”

Last month, Chevron agreed to buy PDC Energy Inc. in a stock and debt deal worth $7.6 billion. It also recently acquired Noble Energy to boost its international holdings and U.S. shale positions.

Zacks Investment Research, which currently has the Chevron stock (CVX) as a “hold,” adds, “The dealmaking is presumably a move to sell lower-valued assets in the area and choose high-performance assets. This strategy is perfectly in line with Chevron’s long-term goals.”

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Navajo landowners repel Haaland’s Chaco Canyon ban celebration

An event celebrating the crushing of Native American sovereignty via a 20-year drilling ban around Chaco Canyon by Joe Biden’s Department of the Interior (DOI) Secretary Deb Haaland, a former New Mexico congresswoman, was thwarted by Navajo protesters, primarily made up of landowners.

“Haaland had to quickly regroup and relocate after a group of Navajo landowners blocked the way to the sacred site,” KOB 4 reported.

“Six and a half hours later, over 150 miles away, those celebrating the moratorium gathered outside of the Bureau of Indian Affairs Southwest Regional Office in Albuquerque in the late afternoon instead, surrounded by federal police officers on the outskirts of the area,” another source said.

The Santa Fe New Mexican reported, “Social media posts showed protesters yelling ‘Go Home!’ as some held signs that read no trespassing on allottee land.”

Other signs spotted listed Haaland, Biden, and other politicians who lauded the decision as “China and Russia oil lovers.”

The Navajo Nation pled with the DOI to make a compromise, but they were flatly ignored by Haaland, leading them to rescind their support for the compromise and to oppose the drilling ban that will mean hundreds of millions of dollars being robbed from the tribe over time.

The Navajo Nation Council wrote in opposition to the proposed ban, “If the buffer zone is adopted, the Navajo allottees who rely on the income realized from oil and natural gas royalties will be pushed into greater poverty.” It stressed the “detrimental impact to Navajo Nation allottees by preventing the development of new oil and gas resources on allotments as a result of the allotments being landlocked,” exposing the fallacy from DOI that the withdrawal will not impact Navajo lands. 

“The financial and economic losses that are impacting many Navajo families as a result of the secretary’s recent land withdrawal are nothing to celebrate,” Navajo Nation President Buu Nygren said. “As leaders of the Navajo Nation, we support the Navajo allottees who oppose the withdrawal of these public lands.”

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