Politics

NRCC savages Vasquez for indefensible, dangerous socialist record

15 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

The National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) has rolled out a new paid advertising campaign aimed squarely at Rep. Gabe Vasquez (D-NM), branding him a radical tied to “Project 2026,” a plan Republicans say would fundamentally reshape the country in destructive ways.

The digital ad, released this week, ties Vasquez to high-profile national Democrats such as House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Rep. Dina Titus, and New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani, a self-described socialist. Republicans argue that Vasquez is aligned with this wing of the Democratic Party and will push policies that hurt working families.

“If Gabe Vasquez were to get his way, the result would be tax hikes on working families, impeaching President Trump, a border invasion, defunding the police, and turning America into a socialist, crime-filled dystopia. House Republicans are the only thing standing between you and the nightmare of ‘Project 2026.’” said NRCC spokesman Zach Bannon in a statement announcing the campaign.

The ad features a clip of Vasquez from before his election to Congress in which he advocates defunding the police, a position Republicans have frequently highlighted as proof of his radical record. The video does not name Vasquez but instead places him alongside prominent left-wing Democrats and socialist figures to underscore the NRCC’s message that he is part of a broader ideological movement.

According to the Santa Fe New Mexican, which first reported on the ad, the NRCC is running the spot exclusively on digital platforms. The piece notes that while Vasquez’s police-defunding clip has circulated in the past, Republicans continue to use it to highlight what they view as his dangerous positions on law enforcement and public safety.

The ad begins with the phrase: “Project 2026. Hakeem Jeffries’ plan to remake America. Raise taxes on working families, impeach President Trump.” The video then shifts to snippets of Democratic leaders, culminating with Mamdani declaring, “We are unapologetic about our socialism.”

Fox News reported the ad is part of a larger NRCC strategy targeting 25 vulnerable House Democrats ahead of the midterms, with Republicans warning voters of what they describe as the Democratic agenda for 2026.

The NRCC’s strategy reflects broader Republican efforts to frame the upcoming elections as a choice between stability and chaos, portraying Democrats like Vasquez as threats to economic security and public safety. With New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District expected to be competitive, Vasquez has become a top target for GOP messaging.

By linking Vasquez to “Project 2026,” Republicans hope to draw attention to issues of taxes, immigration, crime, and law enforcement—issues they believe will resonate with voters concerned about the direction of the country. The ad underscores the NRCC’s intent to nationalize the race and tie local Democrats to the most controversial figures in their party.

As NRCC spokesman Zach Bannon emphasized: “House Republicans are the only thing standing between you and the nightmare of ‘Project 2026.’”

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Ex-Lujan Grisham secretary lands contracts designed to skirt bidding laws

10 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Less than a year after leaving Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s Cabinet, former Tourism Secretary Jen Paul Schroer has turned her insider status into lucrative consulting work, landing more than $232,000 in state contracts without ever facing a competitive bidding process.

According to records obtained through the state’s sunshine portal and inspection requests, Schroer’s newly launched firm, JJS & Associates, has secured contracts with the Public Education Department (PED), the Children, Youth and Families Department (CYFD), and the Department of Cultural Affairs. The payments include $24,000 from PED, $64,911 from CYFD, and $16,228 from Cultural Affairs. Additional contracts already awarded or pending for fiscal year 2026 would bring the total haul to well over $232,000.

Critics say this reveals a cozy arrangement that skirts procurement safeguards designed to protect taxpayers. “Good to know the rules so you can go around them,” Senate GOP Floor Leader William Sharer of Farmington remarked after learning of the deals.

Under New Mexico’s procurement code, contracts over $60,000 require competitive bidding. But Schroer’s deals conveniently came in just under that threshold before gross receipts tax was added, allowing them to be issued directly. Joe Vigil, a spokesman for the General Services Department, admitted the contracts were structured this way, saying, “The contracts fell under the threshold of $60,000, then GRT was added for a total of $64,000.”

This technicality raises questions about whether the governor’s administration is playing games with taxpayer money. Schroer, who was making nearly $200,000 a year as a Cabinet secretary just months before leaving government, stepped down from the Aging and Long-Term Services Department in September 2024. By December, she already had a $64,000 contract with CYFD in hand.

Schroer defends her actions, saying she hired private legal counsel and that the contracts “went through a rigorous procurement process” with “multiple layers of oversight.” However, when pressed, the state’s Department of Justice could not confirm its alleged involvement in approving the deals.

CYFD praised Schroer’s work, claiming she “exceeded national benchmarks in foster family recruitment” and attracted 1,200 job candidates. PED likewise insisted the contracts followed procurement rules, though the agency refused to answer follow-up questions.

The Governor’s Office is also brushing off concerns. Spokeswoman Jodi McGinnis Porter insisted, “There is nothing inappropriate about former Secretary Schroer having contracts with state agencies.”

But for many New Mexicans, the optics are hard to ignore: yet another political insider cashing in on her connections with Lujan Grisham’s administration. With contracts carefully structured to avoid scrutiny and more public dollars on the way, critics say this is less about serving New Mexicans and more about taking care of the governor’s inner circle.

Meanwhile, Senate Democrats like George Muñoz of Gallup defended Schroer, shrugging off concerns. “If that’s the best they can find, or they know her work, I would say maybe it’s good,” he said.

For taxpayers, however, the episode highlights a troubling pattern under Lujan Grisham: bending the rules, rewarding loyalists, and treating state coffers like a revolving door for political allies.

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MLG ousts GOP commissioner who dared challenge eco-left narrative

11 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Far-left Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has abruptly removed Republican state Game Commissioner Sabrina Pack of Silver City in what many see as a politically motivated attack engineered by radical environmental groups.

Pack — appointed to the commission in 2024 to represent rural southwestern New Mexico — was informed Wednesday she was out, after left-wing activists at the Western Watersheds Project used public records requests to accuse her of a “conflict of interest” over her employer’s work on a marketing campaign supporting more flexible management of the federally protected Mexican gray wolf. Ironically, this comes after the governor appointed her own brother to be a regent at New Mexico Highlands University, a massive conflict of interest, which forced her brother, Greg Lujan, to withdraw.

The governor’s office offered vague allegations that Pack “failed to disclose a conflict of interest” and didn’t recuse herself from unspecified “pertinent votes,” according to spokesman Jodi McGinnis Porter. Notably, the administration has yet to identify a single actual commission vote on wolves.

“I did not take any votes related to Mexican wolf management and would have recused myself from future votes,” Pack told The New Mexican, adding her employment with SkyWest Media was discussed in detail with the governor’s office before her appointment. She stressed she is not an owner of the company and that her professional role is “entirely separate” from her volunteer service as commissioner.

Pack said she was “saddened” by the decision, noting her work to bridge divides on the contentious wolf issue: “I’ve worked really hard to listen to all sides… and really try to bring people together who are from opposing sides.”

The campaign in question — “Wolves Among Us” — aimed to highlight the real-life impacts of wolf reintroduction on rural residents through social media and video storytelling. Rural leaders say it sought to bring balance to a conversation long dominated by urban environmentalists and dark-money eco-groups like WildEarth Guardians.

Tom Paterson, president-elect of the New Mexico Cattle Growers Association, called Pack “an outstanding advocate to represent the voices of rural New Mexico” and rejected the idea she had any conflict. “There has never been a Game Commission vote on wolves,” Paterson said. “It’s clear… the wolf advocates don’t want the public to know what it’s like to actually live among wolves.”

Former commissioner Roberta Salazar-Henry — who served in Pack’s seat from 2019 to 2022 — also doubted the justification for removal: “I have a hard time believing that was so egregious to remove her… She’s a good commissioner. We liked her down here.”

The move comes just months after Lujan Grisham line-item vetoed a bipartisan provision in Senate Bill 5 that would have restricted the governor’s power to summarily remove commissioners. Lawmakers had sought to require “cause” such as incompetence, neglect of duty, or malfeasance. Without it, commissioners remain subject to the governor’s whim — a fact critics say the governor exploited to purge a Republican voice on the panel.

WildEarth Guardians wildlife program director Chris Smith, whose organization has taken extreme anti-grazing, anti-hunting stances, openly cheered the removal, citing his “red flag” concerns about Pack’s work. The group is part of the eco-left’s well-funded dark money network that has long targeted rural livelihoods under the banner of “wolf recovery.”

While the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service — not the Game Commission — controls the wolf reintroduction program, Lujan Grisham’s decision ensures one fewer advocate for rural New Mexicans at the table. For many, it’s another example of the governor using her office to silence dissenting voices and reward the demands of radical environmental special interests.

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Days after blasting Trump’s crime crackdown, MLG declares her own

17 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Just days after denouncing President Donald Trump’s decisive crime crackdown in Washington, D.C., New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has declared her own emergency order to address violent crime—this time in Española, Rio Arriba County, and the area Pueblos. The move is raising eyebrows over the governor’s apparent double standard when it comes to executive action on public safety.

In a Wednesday announcement, Lujan Grisham said she was responding to urgent pleas from local leaders to confront a “significant surge in violent crime, drug trafficking, and public safety threats” overwhelming local resources. Police calls in Española have more than doubled in the past two years, with dispatches to businesses quadrupling. Rio Arriba County now leads the state in overdose deaths, driven by fentanyl and other illicit drugs.

“When our local leaders called for help to protect their communities, we responded immediately with decisive action,” Lujan Grisham said in her statement. “We are making every resource available to support our local partners on the ground and restore public safety and stability to these areas that have been hardest hit by this crisis.”

Under Executive Order 2025-358, the governor authorized up to $750,000 in emergency funding for the Department of Homeland Security and Emergency Management to coordinate the response, provide law enforcement support, and address related needs such as temporary shelter, health care, and food. The order also allows for the deployment of the New Mexico National Guard if necessary.

This local emergency declaration stands in stark contrast to Lujan Grisham’s recent rhetoric toward President Trump’s federalization of the D.C. Metropolitan Police and deployment of 800 National Guard troops to combat surging violent crime in the capital. In a joint statement with Albuquerque Mayor Tim Keller, she condemned Trump’s action as “massive executive overreach,” accusing him of making “unilateral decisions that appear politically motivated.” She argued that his move “sets a dangerous precedent,” despite his citing years of skyrocketing homicides and carjackings.

Critics note that the language of her own order mirrors the urgency and scope of Trump’s D.C. operation. Both actions involve direct intervention to bolster local law enforcement, mobilize state or federal resources, and restore public safety in areas deemed unable to manage the crisis alone. The difference appears to be political rather than procedural.

Her order cites a host of public safety crises—rising homelessness, family instability, and fatal overdoses—that echo the conditions Trump pointed to in Washington. Yet while she touted her “state and local cooperation” model in criticizing Trump, the Española emergency involves sweeping state-led measures and potential Guard activation—precisely the type of “outside intervention” she claimed to oppose.

Lujan Grisham’s crime emergency will remain in effect until all authorized funds are spent or officials determine the crisis has subsided. But the timing of her decision, so soon after lambasting the president for deploying similar tools, is already fueling charges of hypocrisy and political opportunism.

For residents of Española and Rio Arriba County, however, the focus is on whether this sudden intervention will deliver the results years of inaction have failed to produce—and whether the governor’s emergency order will bring lasting safety to one of New Mexico’s hardest-hit regions.

Days after blasting Trump’s crime crackdown, MLG declares her own Read More »

Science over fear: EPA approves WIPP expansion while anti-nuke crowd whines

2 Comments / Editorial, New Mexico, News, Politics / By

New Mexico deserves recognition for stepping up where others have balked. This week, the Environmental Protection Agency granted approval for the U.S. Department of Energy’s plan to create two additional underground storage panels at the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP), the nation’s only permanent geological repository for transuranic nuclear material. This isn’t some radical overhaul—it’s the responsible expansion of a proven, scientifically sound facility.

Since opening in 1999, WIPP has safely and securely housed waste such as contaminated tools, clothing, and surplus plutonium from weapons production, buried more than 2,150 feet deep in ancient salt beds that naturally seal fissures over time. The new panels—each comprising seven rooms roughly the length of a football field—will compensate for capacity lost after a 2014 drum rupture that shuttered the site for over two years.

The EPA’s validation of DOE’s modeling—demonstrating that the new rooms meet long-term radiation safety thresholds—is a testament to the rigorous scientific planning behind WIPP. As EPA’s Abigale Tardif stated, the agency “is in general agreement with DOE’s approach and DOE’s interpretation” of safety models.

Critics have predictably cried “mission creep.” Don Hancock of the Southwest Research and Information Center grumbled that a “pilot plant” should not grow. But this is fundamentally flawed logic. WIPP’s measured expansion is not mission drift—it’s public duty. Not to mention that WIPP has a documented record of safety and environmental stewardship unmatched elsewhere.

It’s worth contrasting this with prior drama over Holtec International’s proposed “Consolidated Interim Storage Facility” in Southeast New Mexico, which was slated to store high‑level spent nuclear fuel—far more radioactive and hazardous than WIPP’s existing inventory. In 2023, the New Mexico Legislature passed Senate Bill 53, prohibiting state permits for Holtec’s site, effectively hamstringing the project.

The uproar over Holtec was largely performative. Legislators—under pressure from anti‑nuclear activists—effectively blocked a thoughtfully designed temporary storage proposal vetted by the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC). Holtec’s spokeswoman likened dismissing the NRC license as tantamount to disqualifying OSHA or the FAA for safety regulation—and she had a point.

Despite the holdup, Holtec scored a victory when the U.S. Supreme Court, in a 6–3 ruling, removed legal obstacles to private interim nuclear waste storage in Texas and New Mexico. That decision underscored the judiciary’s recognition of the need for safe interim solutions—even as New Mexico officials continued reflexively rejecting alternatives to Yucca Mountain status quo.

All told, New Mexico’s embrace of WIPP’s expansion meets a clear national need—responsible, science-based nuclear stewardship in a facility proven for decades. By contrast, the legislative theatrics targeting Holtec highlight how fear, not facts, often drives policy. Let’s celebrate WIPP’s success and support sane, scalable solutions for 21st-century nuclear waste management.

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National spotlight on NM after horrific CYFD baby death, Uber driver slaying

19 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

New Mexico is making national headlines for two harrowing incidents — both underscoring deep concerns over public safety and state oversight. Reports from Blaze Media and the New York Post detail the tragic death of an 18-month-old girl with prior involvement in the state’s Children, Youth & Families Department (CYFD), and the chilling murder of an Uber driver by a teenager who allegedly killed “to let off some steam.”

The first case involves Vanessa Chavez, who has been charged with child abuse resulting in death after her toddler was found unresponsive in Albuquerque and died despite 20 minutes of CPR. The child’s death is the sixth in just four months connected to CYFD cases, according to KOB-TV. The girl had been removed from Chavez at birth after being born drug-exposed, only to be returned to her parents for a trial reunification shortly before her death.

Maralyn Beck, founder of the New Mexico Child First Network, placed direct blame on Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham and CYFD. “Every single one of these deaths was preventable,” Beck said, adding, “This is on the governor. There is blood on the governor at this point.” She argued that in a “functioning system,” one call to child protective services should save a child’s life.

In response, Gov. Lujan Grisham acknowledged CYFD’s persistent issues, saying, “You’re chasing your tail, and we’ve been chasing our tail for decades.” She promised, “We’re gonna make some damn important progress” in her remaining 18 months in office. A statement from her office said she is “working diligently to address flaws in the system,” citing a recent overhaul for protecting babies born to drug-addicted parents. CYFD also confirmed that two of Chavez’s three children had been in state custody and said all parties, including social workers and the presiding judge, agreed to end the abuse and neglect case in June after the parents complied with a reunification plan.

While the state grapples with systemic child welfare failures, Albuquerque was rocked by another national headline — the murder of Uber driver Joseph Andrus, allegedly at the hands of 18-year-old Sheliky Sanchez. According to the New York Post, Sanchez’s girlfriend ordered him an Uber around 1 a.m., but Andrus was found dead just hours later, shot execution-style on the side of the road. His black Ford Escape was missing until authorities found it at Sanchez’s girlfriend’s home.

Initially, Sanchez told police he bought the car with cash and had no idea it belonged to the victim. But investigators said he eventually confessed to targeting a stranger to “take [his stress] out on anybody he could find.” Sanchez admitted he chose a random drop-off location, ordered Andrus out of the vehicle, and shot him several times — later remarking, “He seemed like a good guy… I don’t really go for good people,” but that killing him felt like “a relief.”

Sanchez is being held at the Metropolitan Detention Center on charges of murder, armed robbery, and tampering with evidence. This story was also picked up by The Indepdendent, among other national outlets.

With both cases drawing national attention, New Mexico is once again confronting questions about its ability to protect the vulnerable — from children in state care to citizens simply trying to make a living.

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$1.3 million dark money operation to stop malpractice reform brought to light

11 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

A political group that fought tooth and nail to block medical malpractice reform in New Mexico has been forced to lift the veil on its funding—revealing an operation bankrolled almost entirely by trial attorneys.

New Mexico Safety Over Profit, the self-described “network” opposing changes to the state’s malpractice laws, disclosed nearly $1.3 million in contributions Monday after settling a lawsuit with the State Ethics Commission. The donor list, obtained through the settlement, reads like a roll call of the state’s trial bar.

The New Mexico Trial Lawyers Association alone pumped in $245,000 over four-plus years, while Iowa trial attorney Nicholas Rowley shelled out $425,000. Dozens of other contributors—mostly New Mexico trial lawyers, with a smattering from out of state—round out the list.

The group was sued by the Ethics Commission earlier this year for refusing to comply with state lobbying laws. The commission argued Safety Over Profit was running a coordinated lobbying and advertising campaign—complete with full-page newspaper ads and targeted social media blitzes—without registering or reporting its donors and expenditures.

In the end, the group agreed to pay the maximum allowable fine under state law—$5,000—while releasing its donors and advertising expenditures from the run-up to this year’s legislative session. Notably, the disclosure went back to 2021, exceeding the formal settlement requirements.

President of the group’s board, Albuquerque attorney Feliz Rael, maintained the group did nothing wrong, but admitted they opted to settle to avoid “an unnecessary use of time and resources.” She added, “We have nothing to hide and are proud to disclose our donors.”

State Ethics Commission Deputy Director Amelia Bierle called the agreement a “significant outcome,” stressing that “The people of New Mexico have a right to know who is trying to shape public policy in our state.”

The revelations confirm what reform advocates have long suspected—that New Mexico Safety Over Profit is not a grassroots movement of concerned citizens, but rather a well-funded shield for trial lawyers intent on preserving the lucrative status quo.

Medical malpractice reform has been a flashpoint in Santa Fe since lawmakers overhauled the law in 2021. Providers warn the changes have driven malpractice insurance premiums through the roof, worsening an already critical doctor shortage—particularly in rural areas. Efforts to cap attorney fees in malpractice suits have been met with fierce resistance from trial lawyers and their allies.

Fred Nathan, executive director of the reform-minded think tank Think New Mexico, said the settlement “pulls back the curtain.” According to Nathan, “Thanks to the New Mexico Ethics Commission, the public now knows that this dark money group… is entirely funded by trial lawyers… and is actually nothing more than a front group for the trial lawyers.”

Safety Over Profit insists it will continue “fighting for the rights of New Mexicans” and holding “negligent corporations” accountable. But with its donor list now public, critics say the group’s true mission—to protect trial lawyers’ bottom line—can no longer be hidden behind glossy ads and populist slogans.

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Lujan Grisham loses it over Trump’s D.C. Police takeover

26 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

President Donald Trump’s decision to federalize the Washington, D.C., police force and deploy 800 National Guard troops to crack down on violent crime has triggered a performative political uproar from leftists—not least from New Mexico’s far-left Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham, who joined Albuquerque Mayor Tim Keller in issuing a lengthy joint statement denouncing the move as “massive executive overreach.”

The president announced Monday that the Metropolitan Police Department would be placed under the authority of U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi for 30 days under the District of Columbia Home Rule Act, citing surging violent crime, carjackings, and homicides over the past several years. FBI Director Kash Patel was on the ground at the command post, telling Fox News Digital, “When you let good cops be cops, give them the tools they need, and back them every step of the way, they deliver—every time.”

But Lujan Grisham was quick to lash out at the plan. In her statement, she accused Trump of making “unilateral decisions that appear politically motivated” and claimed the deployment demonstrated a “fundamental misunderstanding of effective public safety strategy.” 

She warned the move “sets a dangerous precedent and undermines safety in our nation’s capital,” even as Trump cited statistics showing carjackings have more than tripled in recent years. This comes after she unilaterally attempted to suspend New Mexicans’ rights to bear arms and was immediately halted by a federal judge, which we thoroughly reported on at the time.

The governor’s joint release with Keller painted Trump’s move as an authoritarian stunt, likening it to his previous use of the National Guard in California amid far-left riots and attacks on federal police. “This is about politics, not fighting crime,” they argued, ignoring the District’s long-standing reputation for lax enforcement under the city’s far-left council and mayor’s office.

While Washington’s Democrat leaders insist crime is dropping—citing a 26% decline in total offenses this year—Trump countered that murders remain higher than in some of the most notoriously dangerous cities worldwide and that the city has endured the highest murder rate in decades.

Lujan Grisham, however, framed the takeover as an assault on “local leadership,” contrasting it with New Mexico’s model of state and local cooperation. “Here in New Mexico, we address public safety challenges by bringing local and state resources together,” she said, touting programs that send the National Guard to provide support roles rather than direct policing, all tactics that have proven inconsequential to say the least.

Under her tenure, New Mexico has remained one of the most dangerous states in the country, plagued by rising violent crime rates in Albuquerque and beyond. Many see her outrage over Trump’s D.C. intervention as more about partisan politics than public safety—especially given her vocal opposition to virtually every major Trump law-and-order initiative.

The governor’s warning that Trump’s actions “do nothing to keep Americans safe” stands in stark contrast to Patel’s on-the-ground endorsement of the effort, not to mention the other public safety results the President has delivered, such as zero illegal border crossings and resources being delivered to law enforcement via the One Big Beautiful Bill Act of 2025. The FBI chief said the operation’s goal is simple: restore law and order to the capital by giving law enforcement full federal backing.

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A century of one-party control leaves NM dead last in another key metric

17 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

New Mexico has landed in an unenviable position—dead last—on WalletHub’s 2025 list of the best and worst states to live in, ranking 50th out of all 50 states. The personal-finance website’s analysis, released this week, evaluated states based on 51 key indicators of livability, ranging from housing costs and job opportunities to health care quality, education, safety, and quality of life.

While states like Massachusetts, Idaho, and New Jersey topped the list, New Mexico scored an overall 39.68 points—significantly below the national leaders—placing it behind Louisiana (49th) and Arkansas (48th). The study paints a troubling picture of New Mexico’s challenges across multiple dimensions.

Breaking Down New Mexico’s Weak Spots

According to WalletHub’s ranking breakdown, New Mexico placed:

  • 25th in Affordability – While middle-of-the-pack in affordability, this ranking masks deeper structural problems, as low housing costs are offset by stagnant wages and limited economic opportunity.
  • 33rd in Economy – The state struggles with job creation, slow income growth, and high poverty rates. Entrepreneurial activity is below the national average, and workforce participation remains low compared to top-performing states.
  • 48th in Education & Health – This is one of the most alarming categories for New Mexico. Public school quality, graduation rates, and health outcomes are among the worst in the country. The state faces a high percentage of residents in poor or fair health, shorter life expectancy, and limited access to quality medical care.
  • 30th in Quality of Life – Despite New Mexico’s scenic beauty and cultural richness, infrastructure issues, limited public transportation, and gaps in recreational access keep this score low.
  • 49th in Safety – High violent and property crime rates remain a persistent problem, contributing to the state’s second-worst safety score in the nation.

A Stark Contrast With Top Performers

Massachusetts, ranked No. 1, earned high marks thanks to exceptional health care, top-tier education, and low crime. Even states with higher costs of living, such as New Jersey (3rd) and New York (9th), ranked far ahead of New Mexico due to stronger economies, better health metrics, and safer communities.

In comparison, New Mexico’s poor showing in education, health, and public safety overwhelmed any modest advantages in cost of living. The report suggests that for the state to climb in the rankings, policymakers must focus on improving schools, expanding health care access, reducing crime, and fostering economic growth that offers higher-paying jobs.

A Century of One-Party Control

New Mexico’s last-place ranking is no coincidence. The state has been under near-continuous Democrat leadership for nearly 100 years, with Democrats controlling the governorship, legislature, or both for the overwhelming majority of that time. Decades of one-party rule have produced entrenched policies that have failed to address chronic problems in education, public safety, and economic competitiveness. The result is a state that lags far behind its peers despite abundant natural resources and cultural heritage.

Why It Matters

WalletHub analyst Chip Lupo emphasized that choosing a place to live involves balancing financial factors with overall quality of life. For New Mexico, the report underscores how weaknesses in education, safety, and economic opportunity not only hurt its national standing but also deter new residents and businesses from moving in.

If the state is to shed its last-place status, major policy shifts will be needed. That means tackling crime rates head-on, overhauling struggling school systems, improving health outcomes, and building an economic environment that can retain talent and attract new industries.

Until then, New Mexico remains at the bottom of the national livability list—a position that serves as both a warning and a call to action for its leaders.

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Eight New Mexico counties unite to block 1.84 million acre power line seizure

23 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Rural New Mexico counties have scored a significant victory in their fight against a massive federal land corridor proposal, winning unanimous support from the National Association of Counties (NACo) to oppose the National Interest Electric Transmission Corridors (NIETCs), proposed by the failed Joe Biden-Kamala Harris administration before leaving office.

Representatives from eight directly affected New Mexico counties worked together to bring their case to NACo’s annual meeting on July 14, 2025, securing national backing for their resolution to halt the NIETCs until the federal government coordinates with state, tribal, and county governments.

The corridors plan, first announced on May 8, 2024, calls for 10 federally designated routes — each 5 to 15 miles wide — to move electricity across the country. One of them, the Southwest Grid Connector, would cut through eight New Mexico counties, four Colorado counties, and part of the Oklahoma Panhandle, impacting more than 1.84 million acres in New Mexico alone.

While federal officials have described the corridors as necessary to expand electrical distribution, local leaders have raised alarms about the scale of land loss, potential harm to agriculture, and the erosion of local authority.

Concerns grew after the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) changed its rules in October 2024, giving itself authority to approve projects even after states deny them. By December, the Southwest Grid Connector advanced to Phase 3 in the Federal Register, alongside two other proposed corridors — the Tribal Energy Access Corridor and the Lake Erie–Canada Corridor — triggering a short public comment period.

Many residents only then realized the scope of the federal power, including the ability to take land without congressional approval. Questions about the use of eminent domain, funding for land acquisitions, and the exclusion of local decision-makers quickly followed.

In response, local ranchers and the New Mexico Cattle Growers Association partnered with county leaders to host six town hall meetings across the affected counties. Hundreds attended, and county commissioners pledged to take action.

Soon after, county boards passed formal resolutions opposing the NIETCs and sent them to state, local, and federal officials. They also began working together to pursue further actions and raise public awareness.

Those efforts culminated in March 2025, when New Mexico counties presented their resolution at NACo’s legislative conference in Washington, D.C. The proposal was adopted as an interim measure by the Environment, Energy, and Land Use Committee and co-sponsored by the Agriculture and Rural Affairs and Public Lands Committees, with support from counties across multiple western states.

At the Philadelphia meeting in July, the resolution passed the NACo General Assembly without opposition — a clear signal that rural concerns over the NIETCs have national resonance.

“This was about making sure our communities are heard,” said Chaves County Manager Bill Williams, one of the leaders in the effort. “Local governments must be part of the process before any action is taken on these corridors.”

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