On Saturday, House Republicans and House Democrats elected new leadership in their respective caucuses ahead of the 2025 Legislative Session, which begins on January 21st.
House Democrats again tapped Speaker Javier Martínez of Albuquerque as their nominee for the speakership, current Whip Reena Szczepanski of Santa Fe as their new majority floor leader, after Leader Gail Chasey of Albuquerque announced her retirement and did not seek reelection to the House.
Rep. Dayan “Day” Hochman Vigil of Albuquerque was chosen as the Democrats’ new whip, keeping Chairman Raymundo Lara of La Mesa as the caucus chair.
On the Republican side, the House GOP tapped Rep. Gail Armstrong of Magdalena, the current caucus chair, to be the minority leader, following Rep. Rod Montoya of Farmington, who chose not to run for reelection to the position. Armstrong is the first female GOP New Mexico House leader in history.
Republicans chose to keep current Whip Alan Martinez of Bernalillo as the minority caucus whip, while former Rep. Rebecca Dow, who recently reclaimed her seat in the House after running for governor, has been restored as caucus chair after previously holding the position.
As the January 60-day legislative session rolls upon us, it is unclear what changes the new leadership will make, regarding decorum, strategy, or way of conducting business in the House.
With both sides elevating relatively new legislators to many of the leadership positions, it remains to be seen if the chamber will continue in its same trajectory, which — at least for the Democrat majority — has veered further and further to the extreme left.
With President-elect Donald Trump set to re-enter the Oval Office in January, New Mexico’s Democrat political establishment is gearing up for what many expect to be a contentious clash over policies. According to WalletHub, the state is the second-most federally reliant state, behind only Alaska.
Unlike California Governor Gavin Newsom, who has called a special legislative session to strengthen state protections against federal policy rollbacks in fear of the incoming Trump administration, New Mexico’s Democrat House Speaker Javier Martínez has dismissed the need for any “showboating,” which could benefit conservatives worried over the state taking yet another far-left, aggressive turn. In a recent interview with KUNM, Martínez proclaimed the state already “Trump-proof.”
Martínez’s Posturing vs. Policy Reality
Martínez, known for his far-left stance, has quickly positioned himself as a vocal critic of Trump’s anticipated agenda. Yet, critics argue that the House Speaker’s rhetoric masks a deeper lack of preparedness and policy vulnerability. While Martínez asserts that New Mexico’s existing statutes protect key issues such as abortion access and climate initiatives, skeptics question whether those measures will hold against a resurgent federal administration committed to rolling back progressive policies.
Bold Claims vs. Practical Challenges
During his KUNM interview, Martínez took swipes at Newsom’s special legislative session, suggesting it was more about presidential ambitions than policy substance. “Gavin Newsom is running for president…so he can showboat all he wants,” Martínez remarked, attempting to contrast his own “pragmatic” approach to governance.
Abortion and the Border
Despite his assurances, Martínez’s stance on abortion up-to-birth policies remains a flashpoint. New Mexico’s abortion policies that allow on-demand abortion for any reason at any time in pregnancy, while permitted in statute, are not enshrined in the state constitution. Martínez brushed off concerns about bolstering constitutional protections, stating, “I think we’re good.”
Further, while Martínez maintains that New Mexico does not coordinate with federal immigration authorities, the absence of a “sanctuary state” law allows federal officials to help alleviate the border crisis by carrying out mass deportations against criminal aliens residing on New Mexico soil.
Trump-Proof?
In discussing potential threats to state-funded programs under the Democrats’ partisan “Inflation Reduction Act,” Martínez claims that New Mexico’s Legislature would seek to protect jobs and investments tied to federal funds. While Martínez makes grand declarations, it remains to be seen whether he can back them up with real policy action. If the state refuses to comply with the federal administration, the state could lose out on billions of dollars.
USAFactsnotes that in Fiscal Year 2021, New Mexico received $14.3 billion in federal aid. On a per-resident basis, New Mexico received approximately $6,748 in federal funding, meaning the state is extremely reliant on the federal government — and attacking the incoming administration will not serve the state’s Democrat leaders well. With a fully Republican Congress, it appears to be the worst-case scenario for New Mexico leaders, such as Martínez, to attack Trump, his administration, and the GOP leaders in Congress.
WalletHub notes, “New Mexico is the second-most federally dependent state, in large part because it receives a huge amount of federal funding compared to the taxes that residents pay. For every $1 paid in taxes, New Mexico gets $3.26 in federal funding. Around half of the other states get less than $1 in federal funding for every tax dollar.”
The outlet adds, “Federal funding makes up a large share of New Mexico’s revenue as well, at around 47%, and more than 3.5% of the Land of Enchantment’s workforce is employed by the federal government. Both of these rates are among the highest in the country, proving that New Mexico’s economy owes a lot to the federal government.”
New Mexico’s Path Forward
As the incoming Trump administration readies its agenda, New Mexico stands at a critical juncture. Martínez’s proclamation of a “Trump-proof” state may serve as a rallying cry for far-left legislators and Democrat Party loyalists, but it appears to be an empty boast, throwing red meat at his politically leftist base.
In a surprising turn of events, President-elect Donald Trump has nominated Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as Secretary of Health and Human Services (HHS), a position that New Mexico Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham had previously aspired to under the Biden administration.
Rio Grande Foundation chief Paul Gessing wrote on X, “RFK takes MLG’s dream job.”
This development underscores the shifting dynamics in U.S. health policy leadership and highlights the political recalibrations following the recent presidential election to a shift away from the status quo of Washington elites.
Robert F. Kennedy Jr., an environmental lawyer and prominent vaccine skeptic, has been a controversial figure in public health discussions. His nomination to lead HHS has elicited mixed reactions. Supporters commend his advocacy for transparency and reform in health agencies, while critics express concern over his stance on vaccines and public health measures.
Kennedy’s appointment aligns with President-elect Trump’s inclination to include unconventional figures in his administration, reflecting a broader strategy to challenge established norms in health policy.
Far-left Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham had been considered a leading candidate for the HHS secretary role during Joe Biden’s transition in 2020, for which she extensively lobbied. Her sordid background includes serving as New Mexico’s health secretary and tenure in Congress, along with her dealings in New Mexico’s shady high-risk insurance pool, of which she profited handsomely.
Despite her active role as a surrogate for Biden on the campaign trail, Lujan Grisham was not selected for the position in the Biden administration.
Her close association with the Harris campaign and her alignment with far-left Democrat health policies, such as abortion up-to-birth, contrast sharply with the incoming administration’s direction, which is independent of the establishment. This political shift underscores the challenges Democratic leaders face in securing key federal positions under Trump’s conservative administration.
The nomination of Kennedy over Lujan Grisham highlights the divergent health policy philosophies between the two administrations. While Lujan Grisham has advocated for on-demand abortions and “Medicare for All,” Kennedy’s views on vaccines and health agency reforms suggest a potential departure from traditional public health strategies.
As the Senate prepares for confirmation hearings, Kennedy’s nomination doesn’t appear to have received as much pushback as other nominees, such as Trump’s choice for attorney general, former Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida. His previous statements and positions on public health issues will likely be central to the discussions, influencing the confirmation process.
However, the one thing that is clear is that Lujan Grisham won’t get anywhere near the federal administration of a Democrat president and certainly nowhere near the Department of Health and Human Services.
In a strange turn of events, far-left Democrat New Mexico Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver accused state Rep. John Block (R-Alamogordo), the editor and founder of the Piñon Post, of making threats and harassing her via X, formerly Twitter, cooking up a conspiracy after he asked her about implementing voter ID in the state. She later declared she was going dark on the platform following backlash after she laughed at constituents about voter ID, changing her account “@NMSOSMaggie” to private, although the use of her title makes the page public — a violation of law, according to the U.S. Supreme Court.
Toulouse Oliver’s departure from the platform came shortly after the general election, during which she sought to share insights into election results and processes. However, she claimed that some of the backlash, including alleged threats and harassment, originated from Block, who did not make such threats.
During a legislative committee meeting, Toulouse Oliver accused unnamed members of the committee of contributing to the toxic environment online. Later, her office singled out Rep. Block, labeling him and Piñon Post a “frequent purveyor of false and misleading information” about elections. Block has been vocal in his push for voter ID laws in New Mexico and has criticized Toulouse Oliver’s stance against such measures.
“I wouldn’t say that he was like, the ring leader, but he was certainly getting in on the pile-on and, I think, helping to foment the anger and some of the nasty comments,” she said to one outlet.
In response, Block told the Santa Fe New Mexican, “If she thinks that asking questions about why she doesn’t support voter ID is a threat, then she’s got the thinnest skin I’ve ever seen in my life,” emphasizing that political debate should not be conflated with harassment. He further argued that Toulouse Oliver’s characterization of criticism as harassment reflects an attempt to silence dissent and control the narrative around New Mexico’s elections.
Toulouse Oliver, who has historically opposed voter ID measures, reiterated her belief that such laws are unnecessary. “That is a solution in search of a problem,” she said during the committee meeting, dismissing Block’s proposals as lacking evidence of widespread voter fraud.
The tension escalated after Toulouse Oliver shared that she would file a report with law enforcement regarding the threats she faced, which she said were “egged on” by Block’s rhetoric. Block countered by highlighting the lack of evidence directly tying him to any threatening behavior and called her allegations politically motivated. “The secretary of state is probably the biggest purveyor of propaganda, fake news, lies, and clearly orchestrated headlines to get attention,” he charged, framing her accusations as a tactic to deflect from genuine questions about election security.
Block’s criticism of Toulouse Oliver’s opposition to voter ID laws has resonated with many New Mexicans, particularly given polling that shows broad support for such measures, with Gallup finding 84% of Americans support the commonsense measure that upholds election security.
While Toulouse Oliver maintains that her resistance stems from concerns about voter suppression, Block and his supporters see it as dismissing legitimate concerns about election integrity.
This clash highlights a broader debate on voter security in New Mexico. For Block, questioning election policies and advocating for voter ID is about protecting democracy.
For Toulouse Oliver, such benign questions represent a dangerous incitement that threatens election officials, and it appears she is not open to the will of the people of New Mexico.
In a recent Albuquerque Journalop-ed, Democrat New Mexico State Rep. Dayan Hochman-Vigil of Albuquerque defended the radical House Bill 7 (HB 7), asserting that it safeguards access to “reproductive and gender-affirming health care.”
The Democrat writes, “I have been blessed to know and raise two kids who happen to be transgender. They are adults now, but like all parents, I love and support my kids and want to protect them from harm, so I am deeply disturbed to see Republicans try to play political games with their health care and the health care of all children.”
She contends that the bill does not permit minors to undergo transgender surgeries without parental involvement and emphasizes the purported benefits of gender-affirming care, including the use of puberty blockers, which she describes as “safe” and “reversible.”
However, a critical examination of these claims reveals significant concerns:
Parental Consent and HB 7
Contrary to Rep. Hochman-Vigil’s assertion that HB 7 does not allow minors to receive transgender surgeries without parental involvement, the bill’s language raises questions about parental rights. The legislation prohibits public bodies from denying, restricting, or interfering with an individual’s access to reproductive or gender-affirming health care.
The bill does not address parental consent for minors seeking such treatments. This omission shows that these public bodies must allow minors to access certain medical interventions without parental approval. Critics of the radical legislation argue that this undermines parental authority and involvement in crucial health decisions affecting their children.
Reversibility and Safety of Puberty Blockers
Hochman-Vigil describes puberty blockers as “safe” and “reversible.” While a few vague and biased studies suggest that the effects of puberty blockers can be reversed upon discontinuation, the long-term consequences remain uncertain. A 2020 review by the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) concluded that the evidence for the effectiveness and safety of puberty blockers is of very low certainty.
Additionally, concerns have been raised about potential impacts on bone density and future fertility, indicating that the characterization of these treatments as entirely safe and reversible may be overly simplistic.
Mental Health Outcomes and Regret Rates
The op-ed cites studies indicating that gender-affirming care reduces depression and suicide risk among transgender individuals. While some research supports these findings, other studies highlight complexities. For instance, a 2021 systematic review published in Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery acknowledged limitations, including the lack of long-term follow-up data on regret for said surgeries and treatments. Furthermore, a 2023 study published in the Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy questioned the robustness of evidence supporting the Dutch protocol, a widely adopted approach to treating gender dysphoria in adolescents, suggesting that more rigorous research is needed to fully understand the outcomes of such interventions.
Medical Authority and Ethical Concerns
The Cass Review in the UK, an independent review of gender identity services for children and young people, highlighted the need for more comprehensive data and called for caution in the medicalization of gender dysphoria in minors. The review emphasized the importance of thorough psychological assessment and the consideration of less invasive interventions before proceeding with medical treatments.
Conclusion
While Rep. Hochman-Vigil’s op-ed aims to defend HB 7 and the provision of gender-affirming care, it is essential to critically assess the claims presented. The complexities surrounding parental consent, the safety and reversibility of puberty blockers, mental health outcomes, and the ethical responsibilities of medical providers necessitate extreme skepticism, especially since many of her claims are flat-out false.
In the latest news surrounding potential appointments by President-elect Donald Trump to his administration, at least two prominent New Mexico figures, former Congresswoman Yvette Herrell and New Mexico Public Education Commissioner Sharon Clahchischilliage, are reportedly being considered by their supporters for major roles in a prospective Trump administration. Herrell, who represented New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District, is seen by many as a strong contender for Secretary of the Interior, while Clahchischilliage has been floated as a possible director of the Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Herrell, a staunch conservative and ardent Trump supporter, served one term in Congress after winning a hotly contested race in 2020 against an incumbent Democrat. Being Cherokee, she became the first Native American woman elected to Congress. Her campaign centered on issues such as border security, Second Amendment rights, and economic development for rural New Mexico. Despite narrowly losing her reelection bid in 2022, Herrell has remained a vocal figure in the state’s political landscape.
During her time in Congress, she championed policies that aligned with the Trump administration’s priorities, including reducing regulatory red tape on public lands, advocating for the oil and gas industry, and strengthening U.S. energy independence. Herrell’s support base believes her commitment to these issues makes her a strong fit to lead the Department of the Interior, which oversees vast swathes of public lands and plays a key role in energy policy. The U.S. Department of the Interior (DOI) manages approximately 34.72% of New Mexico’s total land area, equating to about 27 million acres out of the state’s 77.8 million acres.
Meanwhile, Sharon Clahchischilliage, a member of the Navajo Nation and the current New Mexico Public Education Commissioner, has garnered attention as a potential pick for director of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Clahchischilliage has an extensive record of public service, including time as a state legislator where she focused on education, economic development, and tribal sovereignty.
Throughout her career, she has consistently advocated for policies that empower Native American communities, including measures to enhance educational opportunities and improve healthcare access. Clahchischilliage’s relationship with Trump dates back to her tenure as a Republican state representative, where she supported his administration’s initiatives on tribal affairs and sought to collaborate on improving federal-tribal relations.
Both Herrell and Clahchischilliage have shown unwavering loyalty to the former president, championing his policies and defending his record. Their potential appointments reflect Trump’s continued influence in Republican politics and underscore New Mexico’s role in shaping his prospective administration’s leadership. As speculation grows, both figures remain key players to watch in any future Trump administration announcements.
It is unclear what other New Mexicans could be considered to serve in Trump’s second administration. However, there may be other folks from the Land of Enchantment considered. Comment below which New Mexicans you would like to see join the Trump administration.
Trump ally Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. has launched a page on his website for Americans to nominate potential contenders to Trump’s cabinet called “Nominees for the People.” Citizens can nominate their favorite names to join the 45th and 47th President’s new administration.
In the 2024 presidential election, Donald Trump’s campaign saw notable gains in New Mexico, coming closer than any Republican candidate in decades to flipping the state.
Though Kamala Harris ultimately retained New Mexico by a margin of just 5.5 points, Trump’s performance showcased a dramatic shift, reflecting increased support from Hispanic and Native American communities as well as rural voters. Across 30 out of 33 counties, New Mexico experienced a noticeable rightward shift, giving hope to conservatives aiming for future victories.
Trump’s success was particularly evident in counties with large Hispanic and Native American populations. McKinley County, which is predominantly Native American, shifted 7 points toward Trump, marking one of the most significant movements. The impact of his outreach was consistent with national trends, as Politico noted: “The Trump campaign’s low-key efforts to court Native American voters appeared to have paid dividends. Across the map, in traditionally Democratic, predominantly Native American counties, Trump made noticeable inroads… New Mexico’s McKinley County saw an even bigger movement toward Trump.”
Counties with substantial Hispanic populations also leaned more toward Trump than in previous elections. Rio Arriba, Guadalupe, and Mora Counties all recorded 7-point swings to the right, demonstrating a growing conservative influence. Guadalupe County, for example, saw Trump capture 48% of the vote despite the area being heavily Democratic in registration, underscoring the shifting political landscape.
Notably, Trump’s gains were not limited to a few counties; he increased his vote share in 29 of the state’s 33 counties, showcasing broad-based appeal that transcended traditional GOP strongholds. Only three counties—Los Alamos, Sierra, and Union—saw a decrease in Trump’s support.
The top counties that shifted most toward Trump were McKinley, Rio Arriba, Guadalupe, Mora, San Miguel, Harding, Doña Ana, Socorro, Hidalgo, and Taos. These shifts indicate growing dissatisfaction with the Democratic Party’s grip in traditionally left-leaning areas and a potential path for Republican gains in future elections.
While Trump fell short of flipping the state, his substantial gains and the GOP’s overall momentum represent a historic opportunity for conservatives to turn New Mexico into a competitive battleground. This election was a hopeful sign that the state’s political landscape is evolving, offering new possibilities for Republicans in the years to come.
The Office of the Twelfth Judicial District Attorney announced on Friday, November 8, that Dominic De La O has been found guilty of first-degree murder and multiple other charges by an Otero County jury in connection with the fatal shooting of an Alamogordo police officer.
In addition to the murder charge, De La O was convicted of tampering with evidence, aggravated fleeing from law enforcement, criminal trespass, and two counts of resisting, evading, or obstructing an officer.
The verdict came after the jury heard testimony from 21 witnesses for the prosecution, who presented details about the events that occurred on July 15, 2023.
According to the evidence presented, an officer from the Alamogordo Police Department initiated a traffic stop at the intersection of 9th Street and Puerto Rico Avenue in Alamogordo, New Mexico. While two passengers exited the vehicle and approached the officer with their hands raised, De La O took the driver’s seat and sped away.
During the subsequent pursuit, De La O collided with a light pole and attempted to flee on foot while armed with a sawed-off shotgun. He then turned and fatally shot Officer Anthony Ferguson. Ferguson was airlifted to the University Medical Center in El Paso but tragically died from his injuries on July 16, 2023.
The case was prosecuted by District Attorney Scot D. Key, with support from Deputy District Attorney Mikel Ward and Assistant District Attorney Ryan Suggs. “Key expressed his gratitude to the law enforcement community and all justice partners for their unwavering dedication and commitment to seeking justice in this case,” according to the official statement.
De La O will remain in custody until his sentencing, which is set for November 12 at 9:00 a.m. He faces a maximum sentence of life without parole, in addition to eight years and 361 days.
On Thursday, far-left Democrat New Mexico Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver scoffed at voters asking why New Mexico does not have voter ID requirements.
The X account, “Mrs. Gen X,” who shared Elon Musk’s post about “[t]he few states that didn’t go red are mostly ones without voter ID requirements. Must be a coincidence,” quoted the post and tagged Oliver, writing, “#NewMexico needs voter ID!”
Oliver replied, “Correlation does not equal causation.”
In response to Mrs. Gen X’s post, the account “TDog73” wrote, “There’s a reason why she never posts on here anymore. She knows and she’s scares s—less,” to which Mrs. Gen X replied, “As she should be! Does she think coming back at me did her favor?! FAFO. Fired up & ready to make #NewMexico voting legit.”
To that, Toulouse Oliver responded with a laughing/crying emoji,” a grave sign of disrespect to New Mexico voters.
Previously, Toulouse Oliver opposed voter ID bills sponsored by state Rep. John Block (R-Alamogordo), labeling the voter security measure as a way to suppress the votes of senior citizens and other groups.
Block wrote, When I sponsored voter ID (HB110 in 2023 and HB223 in 2024), SOS Oliver claimed Voter ID is ‘voter suppression.’ She defies the 84% of Americans who support Voter ID. Wonder why???? If she believes in “democracy,” then why doesn’t she listen to what the people want?”
As Block referenced, 84 percent of Americans support requiring “all voters to provide photo identification at their voting place in order to vote,” and 83 percent support requiring “people who are registering to vote for the first time to provide proof of citizenship,” according to a Gallup survey.
“Remind her that when she was [Bernalillo County Clerk], she advocated for [ID] to vote in mrgcd elections. I was Chair, Dede Feldmans resolution creating [a] task force. I still have everything. She was a piece of work,” wrote the account “NoFarmsNoFood” on X.
Toulouse Oliver’s vehement opposition to requiring an ID to vote underscores the debate over securing New Mexico’s elections, especially given the high and unusual number of anomalies that have plagued the state’s elections in the last decade.
Following President-elect Donald Trump’s incredible and historic victory in the election to become the 47th president of the United States, winning both the electoral and popular vote, New Mexico Democrats are taking a drastic turn from their partisanship.
After the Democrats’ decisive defeat, New Mexico Democrat politicians are trying to urge Republicans to now come to the table after leftists have gone on years-long tirades, legal battles, witch hunts, and attacks against Republicans, specifically supporters of President-elect Trump.
Sen. Martin Heinrich, who is now in the minority in the U.S. Senate, tried to have his cake and eat it, too, saying he wants Republicans to work with him to find “common ground,” while also bashing Trump, claiming he has an “extreme and divisive agenda.”
Far-left Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham released her own word salad statement, imploring unity with Republicans, who she has demeaned for six years as governor.
“With the election in the rear-view mirror, I encourage all New Mexicans––regardless of political affiliation––to come together and work in a bipartisan way to build on our successes and continue solving our shared challenges,” she wrote.
After the governor’s statement, state Rep. John Block (R-Alamogordo) wrote, “No. Expect the greatest possible amount of resistance every single step of the way these next two years. You have treated us like garbage for six long years, called us lizard people, bashed our sheriffs, snatched our rights, raised our taxes, killed our jobs, locked down our families, abused taxpayer dollars, settled sex assault claims, and bashed anyone who disagrees with you — even members of your own party — with hate and vitriol. Expect your agenda to stall and die on the vine because it’s time for ALL Republicans (and hopefully some Democrats) to unite to crush your extremist agenda, which has poisoned our once-great state. But we will heal our land. #MAGA”
In a different post, state Rep. Stefani Lord (R-Sandia Park) wrote, “New Mexican Democrat politicians need to pause for just a moment and reflect on the high number of people who voted for Trump here in our state. It was not a Kamala landslide by any means. Nearly half the people didn’t vote for her. That means that a large number of New Mexicans voted not only for Trump but also against everything Kamala stood for,” adding, “Americans are not on board with the radical progressive agenda that is consistently being pushed and marginalizes the moderate democrats, especially in New Mexico. I seriously hope you remember this when drafting bills for this next session.”
Far-left Albuquerque Mayor Tim Keller wrote following Harris’ defeat a similar message to that of Heinrich and Lujan Grisham, writing, “As Mayor, I will always stand up for and serve every resident of our city. While many are anxious about what a second Trump presidency will mean, in [Albuquerque] we will continue to work together, respect one another, and fight for a better future for our families.”
Other leftist politicians, such as New Mexico House Speaker Javier Martinez and New Mexico House Majority Whip Reena Szczepanski, defended Harris’ campaign and attempted to run cover for the lame-duck former Democrat nominee, while others, such as Rep. Melanie Stansbury attempted to inflame voters with the same tropes that led to their presidential election defeat, claiming Trump and his supporters are a “threat to democracy” and women’s rights.