Politics

Gabe Vasquez votes against DHS funding, attacks ICE as race tightens

Leave a Comment / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez is once again facing scrutiny after joining other New Mexico Democrat congressional representatives, Teresa Leger Fernandez (CD-3) and Melanie Stansbury (CD-1), and voting against advancing funding for the Department of Homeland Security while simultaneously launching another rhetorical broadside against Immigration and Customs Enforcement, a move likely to further inflame concerns among moderates in his increasingly competitive southern New Mexico district.

Vasquez joined House Democrats this week in opposing a Republican-backed budget framework designed to unlock funding for border enforcement and immigration operations through the reconciliation process. According to Fox News, the House approved the measure 215–211, with every Democrat present voting against it while Republicans unanimously supported it.

The vote comes as the Department of Homeland Security has been operating under a funding lapse for more than 70 days, with the White House warning that DHS personnel could soon go unpaid if funding is not restored. According to Fox News, the administration has warned that absent congressional action, personnel including Secret Service agents, Coast Guard members, and other DHS employees could miss paychecks beginning in May. Vasquez in early April visited the Albuquerque Sunport to claim to support TSA agents, despite repeatedly voting against funding them via DHS.

But rather than support the funding measure, Vasquez issued a press release celebrating his opposition and attacking ICE directly.

“ICE doesn’t need another blank check to bankroll more violence, mass detention, and assaults on American citizens,” Vasquez said. He further blasted the proposal as a “slush fund” and accused immigration enforcement authorities of engaging in “racial profiling of Hispanic people and communities.”

The comments are likely to provide fresh ammunition to Republicans already targeting Vasquez as out of step with his district on immigration and public safety.

Earlier this month, Vasquez fled New Mexico for El Paso to attempt to close down the Texas-based ICE facility, Camp East Montana, claiming it is dangerous and unsafe, despite so many facts to the contrary.

National Republicans quickly seized on the vote, arguing it further demonstrates Vasquez’s hostility toward immigration enforcement and law enforcement generally.

The latest vote adds to a growing record of anti-ICE positioning by the Democrat congressman. Vasquez previously called for Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem’s impeachment and has repeatedly pushed legislation demanding tighter restrictions and oversight on ICE detention and removal operations.

His stance comes at a time when immigration remains one of the top concerns for voters nationally and in New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District, a border-heavy battleground seat Republicans are aggressively targeting in 2026.

The timing may also prove politically awkward for Vasquez given the broader national climate surrounding Democrats and immigration enforcement.

His vote comes amid mounting criticism of Democrat politicians increasingly adopting anti-ICE rhetoric, including some on the left openly calling for the agency’s abolition. That broader trend has become a political flashpoint as Republicans seek to tie vulnerable Democrats to what they portray as radical immigration positions.

Republicans are already framing NM-02 as one of their top pickup opportunities in the country, with GOP challenger Greg Cunningham receiving backing from President Donald Trump, House GOP leadership, and the National Republican Congressional Committee, as the Piñon Post previously reported on.

With the race expected to be one of the most competitive in the nation, Vasquez’s continued opposition to border enforcement funding and his repeated attacks on ICE may further complicate his efforts to hold onto a district that Trump carried in 2024.

For Republicans, the message is straightforward: Gabe Vasquez is once again siding against immigration enforcement and DHS funding while border security remains a top concern for voters.

Whether that message resonates with swing voters in southern New Mexico may help determine who wins one of the most hotly contested congressional races of 2026.

Vasquez jumps state lines to attack ICE facility outside NM

Gabe Vasquez votes against DHS funding, attacks ICE as race tightens Read More »

Young men were allegedly gang raped at Epstein’s Zorro Ranch: report

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Shocking new allegations tied to Jeffrey Epstein’s New Mexico ranch are surfacing, with a horrific bombshell report from The Sun detailing claims that men were drugged and gang raped at Epstein’s secluded Zorro Ranch in what could mark one of the most disturbing revelations yet connected to the disgraced sex trafficker’s empire.

According to a report by The Sun, the allegations were aired in a recent Australian 60 Minutes documentary examining alleged abuse and possible cover-ups tied to Epstein’s 7,500-acre Zorro Ranch near Stanley, New Mexico.

Among the most explosive claims is testimony from an alleged witness who reportedly said he was brought to the ranch, drugged, and forced to witness horrific abuse involving multiple young men.

According to The Sun, the alleged victim described being drugged and witnessing “multiple young men” being raped at the ranch after he was incapacitated.

The allegation marks one of the first widely publicized claims suggesting Epstein’s alleged abuse network may have targeted male victims at the ranch in addition to women and girls.

The documentary, as cited by The Sun, states the alleged conduct adds to growing evidence that Epstein and his associates may have operated a far broader abuse network than previously understood.

The allegations add a grim new dimension to the ongoing scrutiny surrounding Zorro Ranch, which has long been viewed as one of the least-investigated of Epstein’s major properties despite repeated claims from survivors that abuse occurred there.

Survivor Chauntae Davies, who was trafficked by Epstein to multiple properties, described Zorro Ranch as the most terrifying place she encountered in Epstein’s network.

“The scariest was Zorro Ranch,” Davies said in the documentary, according to The Sun. “It’s in the middle of nowhere and surrounded by mountains and miles and miles of dirt.”

Davies said the isolated nature of the ranch made it especially frightening.

“There was a lot of time being in my room like a mouse in a trap waiting for a knock on the door,” she said.

When asked what happened when summoned by Epstein, Davies responded, according to The Sun: “Rape, full on, forced on sexual rape.”

The new claims come amid renewed efforts by New Mexico officials to investigate what may have occurred at the ranch, including separate allegations that women may have been killed and buried on the property.

According to The Sun, authorities have reportedly conducted physical searches and imaging of the sprawling ranch as part of that ongoing investigation.

The allegations are also raising renewed questions about why the property was not more aggressively searched years ago while Epstein was still alive.

Democrat former New Mexico Attorney General Hector Balderas told The Sun that he still cannot understand why New Mexico was effectively left out of earlier major Epstein investigations.

“For the life of me, I can’t understand why you would leave New Mexico out,” Balderas said.

While the allegations remain unproven and no criminal charges have yet emerged from the latest claims, the report is likely to intensify scrutiny on what may have occurred at Epstein’s remote New Mexico compound.

If substantiated, the allegations would suggest that the horrors at Zorro Ranch were even more depraved and wide-ranging than previously known.

Young men were allegedly gang raped at Epstein’s Zorro Ranch: report Read More »

Journal poll exposes Democrat enthusiasm problem in key NM races

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A new poll from the Albuquerque Journal suggests New Mexico Democrats may be facing a growing enthusiasm problem in several key statewide primary contests, with massive numbers of voters still undecided and some far-left legislative candidates struggling to gain traction despite years in office.

According to the Journal poll, outgoing Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver holds a commanding lead in the Democrat primary for lieutenant governor, pulling 54% support compared to just 10% for state Sen. Harold Pope Jr.. Roughly 36% of voters remain undecided. The poll was conducted by Research & Polling Inc. for the Albuquerque Journal from April 17–24 among likely Democrat primary voters.

The lopsided margin suggests Pope, despite years in the Legislature and heavy promotion from progressive circles, has failed to connect with rank-and-file Democrat voters statewide.

Journal pollster Brian Sanderoff told the paper that Toulouse Oliver’s statewide name recognition is likely fueling her advantage, noting that “name recognition plays an important role in these lower-profile races.”

That dynamic appears to be hurting several other Democrat hopefuls as well.

In the Democrat primary for commissioner of public lands, longtime far-left state Rep. Matthew McQueen is badly underperforming, tied for second place at just 11% despite having served six terms in the Legislature and tyrannically chairing one of the House’s most influential committees.

McQueen trails former Democrat Party insider Juan Sanchez, who leads the race with 20%, while another 58% of voters remain undecided.

For a veteran legislator who has spent years championing left-wing environmental and regulatory policies at the Roundhouse, the showing is a striking sign that McQueen’s far-left record may not be resonating outside the Santa Fe political bubble.

Meanwhile, the Democrat primary for secretary of state is even more unsettled, with fully two-thirds of voters undecided between Santa Fe County Clerk Katharine Clark and Doña Ana County Clerk Amanda López Askin, according to the Journal poll.

Taken together, the results paint a picture of a Democrat electorate that appears disengaged and unenthused in several major down-ballot races despite the party’s statewide dominance.

While establishment figures like Toulouse Oliver are benefiting from name recognition and incumbency-adjacent status, lesser-known progressive lawmakers and insiders appear to be struggling to motivate voters.

The poll also suggests that many Democrat voters may know little about the candidates seeking to fill critical statewide offices, including positions overseeing elections and public lands.

That lack of enthusiasm could create openings for Republicans in races Democrats typically expect to win comfortably, especially if GOP nominees can capitalize on voter fatigue with one-party Democratic rule in Santa Fe.

Toulouse Oliver’s lead also comes as she remains embroiled in a high-profile legal fight with President Donald Trump’s administration over access to voter registration records, a battle she has prominently used in campaign messaging.

Still, beyond the lieutenant governor race, the Journal poll indicates many Democrat primary voters remain uncommitted and perhaps unconvinced by the field of candidates their party has put forward.

With early voting beginning on May 5, several Democrat hopefuls now face a difficult reality: despite years in office and establishment backing, many New Mexicans in their own party still do not appear particularly excited to vote for them.

Journal poll exposes Democrat enthusiasm problem in key NM races Read More »

MLG melts down after GOP candidate scores courtroom win

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Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham is lashing out after Republican gubernatorial candidate Duke Rodriguez scored an early courtroom victory against her administration’s socialist “universal child care” program, with a state judge ordering the governor’s administration to cease enforcement of several regulations tied to the program unless it can justify them in court.

The sharp rebuke came after Second Judicial District Judge Elaine Lujan issued an Alternative Writ of Mandamus ordering the New Mexico Early Childhood Education and Care Department to “immediately cease from any further enforcement” of multiple child care rules challenged in Rodriguez’s lawsuit, or otherwise appear in court and show cause why the state should not be compelled to comply.

Rodriguez had sued the administration arguing that Lujan Grisham unlawfully created the “universal child care” program without proper legislative authorization, without an appropriation to cover its costs, and without following lawful rulemaking procedures.

The court’s writ states that the challenged rules were allegedly enacted “without legislative authorization and without the necessary appropriation to cover the new financial obligations on the State budget imposed by the child care assistance benefit they created by rule.”

Rather than quietly address the ruling, Lujan Grisham erupted in a blistering public statement attacking Rodriguez personally and dismissing his candidacy.

“A third-tier Republican candidate for governor — who lives in Arizona — is using a frivolous lawsuit in a despicable attempt to mislead New Mexico families and generate headlines for a campaign that is going nowhere,” the governor said.

She insisted the child care program “is NOT being shut down” and claimed Rodriguez was “purposely sowing confusion and mistrust.”

But the governor’s response notably came after a district judge declined to dismiss the case outright and instead issued a writ directing her administration to halt enforcement of the challenged rules unless it can successfully defend them.

Rodriguez hailed the ruling as proof his lawsuit exposed serious legal flaws in the governor’s program.

“Today’s order represents a victory for the New Mexico Constitution, for government transparency, and for the people of New Mexico,” Rodriguez said. “The Governor can now choose whether to comply or defy the District Court.”

Rodriguez’s attorney, former Democrat state senator Jacob Candelaria, also mocked the administration’s prior confidence that the case would be thrown out.

“Governor Lujan Grisham’s legal prognosticators predicted the Court would dismiss this suit outright,” Candelaria said. “However, the Court did not simply hand the Governor the result she wanted.”

The dispute centers on Lujan Grisham’s much-publicized September 2025 announcement declaring New Mexico the first state in the nation to offer universal child care. Rodriguez and his co-petitioners argue the governor attempted to create that sweeping entitlement program through executive and administrative action rather than through a properly enacted statute.

The judge’s writ does not permanently strike down the program at this stage. Instead, it gives the administration the option to answer the petition and defend the rules in court, with a hearing scheduled for June 11, 2026.

Still, the ruling is a significant embarrassment for the governor, particularly given the unusually aggressive nature of her response.

Rodriguez seized on that reaction, arguing it shows the administration is panicking.

“I do understand how New Mexico state government works,” Rodriguez said. “The Governor can now do the right thing and start over, or she can continue to create chaos for families.”

The legal fight now threatens to become a flashpoint in the 2026 gubernatorial race, with Rodriguez positioning the case as evidence that Lujan Grisham and her allies have repeatedly overstepped legal boundaries in pursuit of progressive policy goals.

For now, one thing is clear: what the governor touted as a signature achievement of her administration is now under direct judicial scrutiny—and her furious response suggests the ruling hit a nerve.

MLG melts down after GOP candidate scores courtroom win Read More »

Trump DOJ scores massive takedown in historic New Mexico gang case

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President Donald Trump’s administration announced the completion of what federal authorities are calling the largest racketeering prosecution in the history of New Mexico’s federal district, marking the culmination of a decade-long effort to dismantle one of the state’s most violent prison gangs.

The U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of New Mexico, led by U.S. Attorney Ryan Ellison, revealed Monday that federal prosecutors have concluded their sweeping prosecution of the Syndicato de Nuevo Mexico following the latest round of sentencing hearings, bringing to a close a years-long operation targeting the gang’s leadership, members, and associates.

According to federal officials, the investigation and prosecution ultimately resulted in state and federal charges against 178 individuals tied to the gang.

SNM, which originated in the New Mexico prison system following the infamous 1980 prison riot, has long been regarded as one of the state’s most dangerous criminal organizations. Federal authorities described the gang as a violent racketeering enterprise operating both inside correctional facilities and throughout communities across New Mexico.

Prosecutors said SNM maintained its power through murder, kidnapping, drug trafficking, and witness intimidation, operating under a “blood in, blood out” philosophy that required prospective members to commit acts of violence to gain entry.

Using the federal Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act and the Violent Crimes in Aid of Racketeering statute, prosecutors pursued what officials said was one of the most complex criminal enterprise cases ever brought in the state.

The sheer scale of the operation was staggering.

Federal investigators indicted 156 individuals on federal charges involving 325 overt criminal acts spanning from 1980 through 2024. Authorities successfully charged and convicted gang members connected to 13 murders, including killings both inside and outside correctional facilities.

Among the most alarming revelations from the case was a disrupted 2015 plot to assassinate the then-secretary of the New Mexico Corrections Department and high-ranking members of the New Mexico State Police. Federal officials said the murder conspiracy was retaliation for the conviction of SNM associate Michael Paul Astorga in the killing of Bernalillo County Sheriff’s Deputy Jim McGrane.

The investigation itself relied on extensive undercover operations and intelligence gathering. According to the U.S. Attorney’s Office, agents conducted more than 110 undercover drug and firearm purchases, utilized dozens of confidential informants, and obtained court-authorized wiretaps to infiltrate the gang’s operations.

That effort exposed a sprawling criminal network trafficking fentanyl and methamphetamine both inside prisons and throughout New Mexico communities.

A major enforcement action in September 2022 led to the seizure of $1.8 million in cash, 1.1 million fentanyl pills, and 160 pounds of methamphetamine, along with firearms and other contraband.

Twelve SNM members were sentenced to life in prison as part of the prosecution.

“This case required years of patience, discipline, and persistence from prosecutors, agents, and staff who stayed with it to the end,” said First Assistant U.S. Attorney Ryan Ellison. “It was difficult work, but it was necessary work, and this office saw it through.”

Justin A. Garris likewise emphasized the magnitude of the case.

“It is impossible to overstate the enormity of this investigation,” Garris said. “For more than a decade, our team and partners stayed committed to dismantling violent crime and delivering justice for the victims and communities most impacted by this gang’s violence.”

The prosecution was led by the FBI Albuquerque Field Office’s Violent Gang Task Force, working alongside numerous federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies.

The conclusion of the case represents a major law enforcement victory for the Trump administration’s Justice Department and federal partners, who say the operation has dealt a crippling blow to one of New Mexico’s most entrenched and violent criminal organizations.

While officials cautioned that gang activity remains an ongoing challenge, they argued the successful dismantling of SNM’s racketeering enterprise marks a historic step toward improving public safety in New Mexico.

Trump DOJ scores massive takedown in historic New Mexico gang case Read More »

Greg Cunningham lands major national backing in bid to flip CD-2

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New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District is drawing even more national Republican attention as GOP candidate Greg Cunningham has been tapped for a key National Republican Congressional Committee program aimed at helping flip vulnerable Democrat-held seats in 2026.

The National Republican Congressional Committee announced Monday that Cunningham has been added to its “MAGA Majority” program, a national initiative designed to support what the committee calls the next wave of “America First” congressional candidates in top battleground races across the country.

The designation places Cunningham among a select list of Republican candidates from competitive districts nationwide who are expected to receive early strategic support, increased visibility, and additional campaign resources from House Republicans as the party looks to expand its majority in Congress.

In announcing Cunningham’s inclusion, NRCC spokesman Reilly Richardson sharply contrasted the Republican challenger with incumbent Democrat Rep. Gabe Vasquez.

“As a Marine Corps veteran, former Albuquerque police officer, and lifelong New Mexican, Greg Cunningham is ready to defeat radical Democrat Gabe Vasquez and flip NM-02 red this November,” Richardson said in a statement. “Cunningham is the antithesis of Vasquez’s high tax, defund the police, open borders agenda and will finally give New Mexicans the representation they deserve.”

Cunningham wrote via X following the news, “So honored to be included by the 

@NRCC in this group of fantastic @GOP candidates who will grow our House majority in November! #NM02 is ready for conservative leadership and our campaign is building momentum by the day.” 

The announcement is the latest sign that national Republicans increasingly view New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District as a prime pickup opportunity in 2026.

The district, which spans much of southern New Mexico, has become one of the most competitive congressional seats in the state. Although it was redrawn by Democrats in the Legislature in 2021 in a controversial gerrymander, the district remains highly contested. President Donald Trump carried the district in 2024 even while it remained in Democrat hands at the congressional level.

Cunningham has quickly emerged as a favorite among national Republicans. In recent weeks, he secured endorsements from President Trump and the full Republican House leadership team, signaling broad GOP alignment behind his candidacy early in the cycle.

The NRCC’s MAGA Majority program is specifically intended to elevate candidates in districts where Republicans believe Democrats are vulnerable. According to the committee, the initiative is designed to capitalize on the fact that more than a dozen House Democrats currently represent districts won by Trump.

The Cunningham announcement comes as Republicans continue ramping up attacks on Vasquez over his voting record and positioning on law enforcement.

In a separate statement issued this week, the NRCC accused Vasquez of hypocrisy after he publicly thanked Secret Service agents and law enforcement officers who responded to a recent security incident at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner.

“Dishonest Gabe Vasquez claims to appreciate law enforcement, but New Mexicans know the truth,” Richardson said. “Whether he’s voting to block Department of Homeland Security funding or trying to defund the police, Vasquez is, was, and always will be anti-cop.”

Still, the growing involvement of national Republicans suggests the race is rapidly becoming one of the GOP’s top offensive targets of the cycle.

With Cunningham now backed by President Trump, House GOP leadership, and the NRCC’s national candidate program, the 2nd District is increasingly being treated as one of the premier battlegrounds in the country.

For Republicans, the message is clear: NM-02 is in their sights, and they believe Gabe Vasquez is one of the most vulnerable Democrats in Congress.

Greg Cunningham lands major national backing in bid to flip CD-2 Read More »

Activists say quiet part out loud about NM’s anti-ICE agenda

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A new article from far-left outlet Truthout is openly confirming what many suspected all along: New Mexico’s so-called “Immigrant Safety Act” was designed to obstruct federal immigration enforcement, cripple ICE detention capacity, and serve as a model for other blue states seeking to undermine deportation operations.

In the piece, titled “New Mexico Becomes the Latest State to End Cooperation With ICE Under New Law,” activists and legal architects behind the legislation admit that the law’s purpose is to interfere with President Donald Trump’s deportation agenda by cutting off detention space needed for removals.

Sophia Genovese, an attorney who worked on both the New Jersey and New Mexico campaigns, told Truthout plainly: “Ending local and state cooperation with ICE is an important way of throwing sand in the gears of the Trump administration’s mass deportation machine.”

She added the clearest admission of all: “There cannot be mass deportations without detention.”

That statement confirms the law was never merely about public safety or local control. It was crafted specifically to obstruct deportations by reducing ICE’s access to detention facilities in New Mexico.

Truthout’s reporting further shows New Mexico’s legislation is being celebrated nationally as a template for similar anti-ICE laws across the country.

“We see a tremendous upswelling of this type of legislation being proposed in different states across the country,” said Rebecca Sheff of the American Civil Liberties Union of New Mexico, who helped draft the law.

Sheff said the current political climate is “a time to make the most of the political willingness to take bold action,” making clear activists see New Mexico as a launching pad for broader national efforts.

Truthout reports that comparable “Dignity, Not Detention” laws are already in place in California, New Jersey, Washington, Illinois, Colorado, and Maryland, while organizers in New York are actively pushing similar legislation. New Mexico is now being held up as the newest success story in that campaign.

The article also makes clear that New Mexico’s law is intended to force ICE out of existing detention contracts in counties like Torrance and Cibola.

“These agreements will no longer be legal,” Truthout states, noting the law requires public entities to terminate those contracts as soon as permitted.

That means New Mexico counties will lose detention-related jobs, revenue, and economic activity tied to those contracts—all while ICE simply shifts detainees elsewhere.

Rather than ending detention, the law pushes illegal immigrants into facilities in neighboring states such as Texas, where ICE maintains other detention infrastructure, including facilities like Camp East Montana. New Mexico loses the economic benefits while other states receive the detainees and federal dollars.

Truthout also reveals the ideological extremism driving the law.

One activist quoted in the piece described immigration detention as “literally kidnapping and disappearing folks into these systems.” Another said the goal is to “abolish immigration detention” altogether.

Those statements expose the broader agenda behind the legislation: not reform, but dismantlement of the immigration enforcement system itself.

The article further praises New Mexico for using state authority under the 10th Amendment to resist federal immigration enforcement and “withhold state involvement in ICE detention,” as Sheff put it.

In short, Truthout’s own reporting makes the purpose of New Mexico’s anti-ICE law unmistakable: the state is being used as a pawn in a national progressive campaign to obstruct deportations, dismantle ICE detention infrastructure, and export radical anti-enforcement policy to other states.

What supporters marketed as an “immigrant safety” bill is, by their own admission, a strategic effort to jam the machinery of federal immigration enforcement—while New Mexico counties and taxpayers bear the cost.

Activists say quiet part out loud about NM’s anti-ICE agenda Read More »

NYT says Deb Haaland’s ‘coronation’ is in trouble

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What was once expected to be a quiet march to the Democrat nomination for governor has suddenly become national news, with even the The New York Times now acknowledging that Joe Biden’s former Interior Secretary Deb Haaland is facing a far more difficult path than many in New Mexico’s political establishment anticipated.

In a Friday feature on the race, the Times framed Haaland’s gubernatorial bid as a would-be “coronation” that has been disrupted by Bernalillo County District Attorney Sam Bregman, who entered the race despite widespread assumptions that Haaland would clear the Democrat field.

“I don’t think we should have coronations in a democracy,” Bregman told the Times in a direct rebuke of the notion that Haaland should simply inherit the nomination.

The article underscores how what many insiders believed would be a straightforward race has instead become a competitive and increasingly contentious primary battle, elevating New Mexico’s gubernatorial contest into the national spotlight.

The Times notes that Haaland entered the race as a “political celebrity” in Democrat New Mexico and “might have expected a cakewalk” after launching her campaign. But Bregman’s challenge has complicated that narrative, forcing Haaland to defend her record and campaign more aggressively than many expected.

Though Haaland maintains advantages in fundraising and polling, the Times reported that “enough voters remain undecided to keep Mr. Bregman’s hopes alive.” Political analyst Gabriel Sanchez of the University of New Mexico told the paper the race remains “still up for grabs.”

The Times also observed that Haaland appears to be presenting herself as “the traditional safe choice candidate,” while Bregman is pitching himself as the anti-establishment alternative.

Bregman has used that contrast to sharpen his attacks, portraying the Democrat establishment as “weak, ineffective and complicit” in broader national dysfunction. He has also centered his campaign on crime and law-and-order messaging, branding himself in the Times’ words as a “swaggering lawman who is unafraid to lock up wrongdoers.”

Meanwhile, Haaland’s campaign has found itself confronting scrutiny that extends beyond typical primary politics.

The Times highlighted Bregman’s efforts to press Haaland over her appearance in Justice Department files related to deceased sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. According to the report, Haaland’s name appears in records showing she was listed as a passenger on a jet chartered by one of Epstein’s companies during her 2014 lieutenant governor campaign.

Bregman told the Times, “Everybody in New Mexico deserves to know the truth of what happened out there.”

Haaland denied wrongdoing, saying she had no idea Epstein was involved and never met him. She dismissed the attack line, telling the Times: “If I rode on the Epstein plane, then Sam Bregman is a real cowboy… He ain’t no real cowboy. I didn’t ride on Epstein’s plane.”

The Times further noted that Haaland is under “perhaps unanticipated scrutiny” over her record, with critics arguing that despite holding “some significant titles,” she has not sufficiently delivered results.

In perhaps the most telling acknowledgment of the race’s competitiveness, Haaland herself pushed back on claims she has the race sewn up.

“I do not have it in the bag,” she told the Times. “I never say that. I will work until 7 o’clock on June 2 when the polls close.”

For a race many expected to be over before it began, that statement alone may be the clearest sign yet that Haaland’s “coronation” has become anything but certain.

NYT says Deb Haaland’s ‘coronation’ is in trouble Read More »

After years of bashing Texas, MLG heads there to headline Dems’ big event

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After years of using Texas as a political punching bag, and after her administration blasted New Mexico Republicans for holding their 2021 state convention across the border in Amarillo, Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham is now set to travel to Texas herself as a featured speaker at the 2026 Texas Democratic Convention.

The Texas Democratic Party announced Friday that Lujan Grisham will serve as keynote speaker for the convention’s Lady Bird Breakfast, one of the marquee events of the gathering.

The announcement is drawing immediate pushback of hypocrisy from critics who note that Lujan Grisham and her administration harshly attacked Republicans when the Republican Party of New Mexico moved its 2021 state convention to Amarillo, Texas, due to New Mexico’s then-strict COVID restrictions.

At the time, the New Mexico GOP said it had little choice but to relocate because Lujan Grisham’s pandemic gathering limits made holding a large in-state convention effectively impossible.

But rather than expressing understanding, the governor’s office ridiculed the move.

“In the meantime, if an organization can’t be bothered to adhere to reasonable health guidelines in a pandemic, by all means, spread the virus elsewhere,” then-press secretary Nora Meyers Sackett said in a statement to the Santa Fe New Mexican. “Hopefully I don’t need to elaborate on the inherent risks to health and safety posed by mass gatherings amid an ongoing pandemic.”

Now, five years later, the same governor who mocked Republicans for “spreading the virus elsewhere” is happily heading to Texas to headline a partisan political event of her own.

Long History of Bashing Texas

The irony goes deeper than the convention itself.

Throughout her governorship, Lujan Grisham has repeatedly attacked Texas—often using the neighboring state as a foil for New Mexico policy messaging.

In 2024, her administration launched a campaign targeting Texas abortion doctors, inviting them to flee what she called Texas’ “draconian” abortion laws and relocate to New Mexico under her “Free to Provide” initiative.

Later that year, while breaking ground on a taxpayer-funded abortion center in southern New Mexico, her office highlighted that the facility would serve patients traveling from Texas, where abortion access is “severely restricted.”

Her administration has also repeatedly used Texas as a punching bag on environmental issues. In multiple press releases from 2023 through 2025, Lujan Grisham’s office touted New Mexico’s methane regulations by contrasting them with “less-regulated Texas,” claiming New Mexico’s oil and gas emissions are “half” those of Texas.

She also criticized Texas border security measures, dismissing Gov. Greg Abbott’s razor-wire fencing efforts near the New Mexico border as a “political stunt” with “no meaningful impact.”

Meanwhile, the Democratic Party of New Mexico joined with Texas Democrats in 2023 to attack Texas border fencing, calling it an “Operation Lone Star stunt” that caused “environmental damage” and “community division.”

Political Double Standard

To Republicans, the governor’s Texas speaking engagement highlights what critics view as a familiar pattern: condemning conservative ties to Texas while embracing Democrat ones.

In 2021, when Republicans crossed state lines for a convention because New Mexico restrictions prevented them from holding it at home, they were mocked and scolded by the governor’s office.

In 2026, when Lujan Grisham crosses the same border for a partisan political speech, it is celebrated.

The episode is likely to fuel further criticism from New Mexicans who have long argued that Lujan Grisham treats Texas (our neighbor) as a convenient political villain—except when it benefits her or her party.

For a governor who has spent years denouncing Texas policies, Texas leadership, and even New Mexicans traveling there for political events, her upcoming keynote appearance at the Texas Democratic Convention is proving to be the very definition of hypocrisy.

After years of bashing Texas, MLG heads there to headline Dems’ big event Read More »

Leftist forecast shrugs off GOP chances—but NM races tell much different story

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A new forecast from The Economist is drawing national attention for predicting a near-certain Democratic takeover of the U.S. House in 2026. The model gives Democrats a 98% chance of winning the chamber, projecting a net gain of roughly 33 seats. At the same time, it shows a narrowly divided Senate, with Republicans holding a 53% chance of maintaining control.

But beneath those sweeping national conclusions lies a more complicated reality—especially in New Mexico, where on-the-ground political dynamics suggest far more competitive races than the model indicates.

NM-02: A “Safe” Seat—or a Sleeper Flip?

Perhaps the most glaring disconnect is in New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District. The Economist model assigns Democrat Gabe Vasquez a 99% chance of re-election, effectively removing the race from the competitive map.

Yet other respected forecasters tell a different story. The Cook Political Report rates NM-02 as EVEN on its Partisan Voting Index, meaning the district performs almost exactly in line with the national vote. That alone makes it one of the most competitive districts in the country. According to Sabato’s Crystal Ball, the seat “leans Democratic”

And there are clear signs Republicans are gearing up for a serious challenge. Republican candidate Greg Cunningham has secured a high-profile endorsement from Donald Trump—who carried the district in 2024—as well as backing from the entire U.S. House Republican leadership team. That kind of unified national support signals the GOP sees NM-02 as a real pickup opportunity, regardless of what national models suggest.

NM-03: Quietly Competitive?

In the 3rd Congressional District, long considered a Democratic stronghold, new developments are also challenging conventional wisdom.

Cook rates the district at just D+3, far from a safe margin. Now, Republican state Rep. Martin Zamora of Clovis is mounting a serious campaign against incumbent Teresa Leger Fernandez. In a notable early sign of strength, Zamora out-raised the incumbent in the previous fundraising quarter, suggesting his campaign is gaining traction both financially and politically.

That kind of fundraising momentum, combined with a relatively narrow partisan lean, could turn NM-03 into a race to watch—particularly if national conditions shift even slightly toward Republicans.

NM-01: Opportunity Emerging?

Even New Mexico’s 1st Congressional District may not be entirely off the table. While rated D+7 by Cook, the district has seen growing frustration among some voters with incumbent Melanie Stansbury.

Stansbury has drawn criticism for a series of social media controversies and polarizing rhetoric that some Republicans argue has embarrassed the state on a national stage. Questions have also been raised in conservative circles regarding alleged associations tied to broader figures connected to Ghislaine Maxwell, though such claims remain politically charged and disputed.

With speculation that a more formidable Republican challenger could emerge, NM-01 may at least become more competitive than in previous cycles.

Senate: Not as Quiet as It Looks

At the Senate level, The Economist model gives Democrat Ben Ray Luján a 94% chance of re-election, with a projected 57% vote share, suggesting a relatively stable race.

However, Republicans are not entirely absent from the contest. GOP candidate Larry Marker is mounting a write-in campaign and is positioning himself as a challenger to what supporters describe as entrenched, career political leadership in Washington. While write-in bids face structural hurdles, Marker’s entry adds another dimension to a race that national models have largely written off.

The Truth

While The Economist paints a picture of Democratic dominance in the House, its model may be over-reliant on national trends that fail to capture the granular realities of individual districts.

In New Mexico, those realities tell a more competitive story: a true swing district in NM-02, a narrowing margin in NM-03, and emerging questions even in NM-01. Add in strong Republican recruitment, fundraising momentum, and high-profile endorsements, and the state’s congressional map looks far less settled than a 98% national forecast might suggest.

If anything, New Mexico may prove to be a test case for whether national models—or local political realities—ultimately have the final say in 2026.

Leftist forecast shrugs off GOP chances—but NM races tell much different story Read More »

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