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Meet the woman taking on one of NM’s most powerful Democrat lawmakers

Julia Ruiz, a working-class New Mexican and proud mother who became a U.S. citizen in 2018, has announced her campaign for State Representative in New Mexico House District 36, aiming to unseat Democratic incumbent Nathan Small, whom critics increasingly view as out of touch with the values of southern New Mexico. Small is the chairman of the powerful House Appropriations Committee.

Ruiz, who has lived in Doña Ana County for more than 30 years, is launching a grassroots campaign focused on restoring practical leadership and local voice to a district long dominated by progressive politics. She says her decision to run stems from frustration with the status quo in Santa Fe, where she believes everyday New Mexicans are being sidelined by elites pushing a one-size-fits-all agenda.

“I’m not a politician—I’m a mother, a worker, and a citizen who’s had enough of the broken promises and power plays by officials who believe they know better than the people they serve,” Ruiz said. “Our schools are failing, crime is on the rise, and families are struggling to stay afloat. These problems didn’t just happen—they’re the direct result of failed leadership and misplaced priorities.”

Ruiz’s campaign is expected to strike a stark contrast with that of Nathan Small, who has represented District 36 since 2017 and is widely seen as a loyal foot soldier for far-left causes in the Legislature. Small has voted in favor of sweeping progressive policies, including legislation that blocks parental notification in schools on issues related to gender identity. He has also supported tax hikes, anti-gun legislation, and expanded government regulation on small businesses.

State Rep. Nathan Small (D-Las Cruces)

As a former Sierra Club operative before running for office, Small’s environmental activism has often taken precedence over economic development in a region in need of jobs and infrastructure. Critics argue that his alliance with progressive special interests has left rural and working-class families behind.

Ruiz, by contrast, promises to put working families first. “Las Cruces deserves better,” she said. “I’m stepping forward because our community needs someone who understands struggle, values hard work, and won’t back down. I’m ready to be that advocate.”

Her platform includes strong support for parental rights in education, pushing back against government overreach, defending small businesses from excessive regulation, and ensuring that taxpayers see real results from their contributions—not more bureaucracy.

Born in Delicias, Chihuahua, Ruiz was raised on a ranch in Lybrook, NM and settled in Artesia before moving to Las Cruces in 1993 as a young mother. She worked full-time while raising two daughters, giving her firsthand knowledge of the challenges facing New Mexico’s working families. Becoming a U.S. citizen in 2018, she now seeks to give back through public service built on grit, accountability, and community values.

More information about her campaign is available at juliafornm.com.

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Goodbye, DEI: Trump purges Haaland’s self-glorifying book from park gift shops

​​The Trump administration is making moves to restore neutrality and historical integrity to America’s national parks — and the latest target is a children’s book by former Interior Secretary Deb Haaland, a figure widely criticized for being one of the most unqualified cabinet officials in U.S. history.

According to a report by The Washington Post, the book “What Your Ribbon Skirt Means to Me: Deb Haaland’s Historic Inauguration” is one of several materials currently under review by the Department of the Interior for promoting what the administration calls “corrosive ideology.”

President Donald Trump recently issued a directive encouraging the National Park Service (NPS) employees to identify materials that prioritize far-left-wing political narratives over balanced, fact-based historical content. The initiative is part of a broader push to roll back the ideological indoctrination that seeped into federal agencies during the Biden administration.

Haaland’s defenders, unsurprisingly, are crying censorship. A spokesperson for her campaign issued a statement claiming:

“Donald Trump is trying to distract the public from the fact that he’s raising prices, ripping away their healthcare and taking food off their tables. It’s shameful that President Trump and his administration are censoring what people read, and ignoring the affordability crisis people are facing everyday (sic).”

The irony is rich. Under Trump, energy costs decreased, the economy expanded, and food and gas became more affordable. It was under Joe Biden’s administration — with Haaland at Interior — that gas prices soared, utility costs spiked, and access to federal lands and energy development was crippled by ideological policymaking.

As for the book itself, critics argue that Haaland’s publication is a thinly veiled attempt to rewrite her tenure with emotional storytelling rather than substantive accomplishments. In fact, her time at the helm of the Department of the Interior was marked by regulatory overreach, botched land management decisions, and prioritization of far-left identity politics over effective governance, which angered left-wing and right-wing policymakers alike, including making an enemy of the Navajo Nation as she unilaterally stole their land, costing hundreds of millions of dollars in damage. She is regarded by many as the least accomplished and lowest-IQ DEI (Diversity, Equity, Inclusion) hire ever to hold a cabinet-level post — a token appointment made purely for optics.

Her tenure did little to improve public lands management, empower tribal communities meaningfully, or advance energy independence. Instead, it was marred by divisive rhetoric and policies that often hurt the very communities she claimed to represent.

Now, as Haaland campaigns for governor in New Mexico, her critics see the book’s placement in national parks as yet another attempt to force-feed children and families a sanitized, revisionist version of her legacy. Trump’s administration is right to remove taxpayer-funded platforms that act as vehicles for political propaganda.

Federal parks are meant to preserve history, not manipulate it. And restoring that mission begins with removing the false idols of the DEI era — starting with Deb Haaland.

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‘Political theater’? Dem lawmaker shrugs as malpractice costs drive NM docs. out

In a recent opinion column published by The Albuquerque Journal, Democrat State Rep. Liz Thomson dismissed growing concerns over New Mexico’s medical malpractice system as nothing more than “political theater” and a “phantom problem.” But physicians across the state—and hard data—tell a very different story.

Thomson, an Albuquerque progressive who chairs the House Health and Human Services Committee, doubled down on her opposition to medical malpractice reform, arguing that the real causes of the physician shortage are insufficient pay, student debt, and lack of housing support.

“Now that the gutting of Medicaid makes it more important and urgent than ever that we stop debating phantom problems and focus our attention on the real challenge: ensuring every New Mexican has timely access to quality medical care,” Thomson wrote.

She added, “It doesn’t point fingers at patient advocates and it doesn’t propose solutions that harm a patient’s access to justice,” implying that efforts to reform the state’s high-risk medical malpractice climate are unjustified and unnecessary.

But doctors, hospital administrators, and business owners have warned for years that New Mexico’s out-of-control malpractice insurance costs—particularly after the 2021 amendments to the Medical Malpractice Act—are creating a dangerous climate for providers.

What the Data Shows

Since 2021, when the Legislature raised the liability cap for independent outpatient healthcare facilities from $600,000 to $750,000 (and ultimately up to $1 million by 2027), malpractice insurers have fled the state. The Doctors Company, once a major provider of malpractice insurance in New Mexico, withdrew from covering independent outpatient facilities altogether.

A 2022 report from the New Mexico Medical Society found that more than 100 doctors left the state in just one year, citing skyrocketing premiums and the threat of unlimited personal liability.

In 2023, more than two dozen clinics warned they were planning to close or stop offering high-risk procedures such as OB-GYN and emergency care due to unaffordable coverage. Many providers reported malpractice premiums doubling or tripling after the law changed.

The American Medical Association has consistently ranked New Mexico as one of the most “medico-legally hostile” states in the country, making it one of the hardest places to recruit and retain specialty physicians.

And it’s not just anecdotal. In 2024, the LFC’s own staff acknowledged in testimony that high liability exposure—especially for independent providers—was contributing to the exodus of physicians, particularly in rural areas.

The Consequences

Patients are feeling the effects. Expectant mothers in southeastern New Mexico must now travel hours to find OB-GYN care, and some small hospitals report being unable to find coverage for anesthesia or emergency surgery on certain days.

Meanwhile, Rep. Thomson continues to reject malpractice reform as mere “misinformation.” Her dismissal of these urgent warnings as a “phantom problem” may be politically convenient, but for doctors and patients alike, it’s a very real crisis.

Unless lawmakers take immediate steps to restore balance and fairness to the medical malpractice system, New Mexico risks losing even more of its already limited health care workforce.

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Powerful Democrat accused of red-faced rage at staffer

One of New Mexico’s most powerful lawmakers, Senate President Pro Tempore Mimi Stewart, is facing serious scrutiny following a legislative ethics hearing on Friday, where investigators presented evidence that the veteran Albuquerque Democrat verbally berated a staffer during the 2024 legislative session.

The accusation stems from a February 27 incident involving Michelle Jaschke, who coordinates capital outlay programs for the Legislative Council Service. According to testimony, Jaschke emailed Sen. Stewart’s office after the deadline for capital requests, inquiring whether the senator had submitted her required documentation. What followed, according to Jaschke, was a barrage of hostility.

Special counsel Lorna Wiggins, who conducted the harassment investigation, told the Legislative Ethics Subcommittee that Jaschke received a reply email from Stewart in all capital letters — a format Jaschke interpreted as “screaming.” Minutes later, Stewart allegedly followed up with a phone call, during which she shouted and called Jaschke “stupid.”

“She described the call as a verbal attack,” Wiggins said. “The encounter affected her so deeply that she was unable to work the next day, citing both mental and physical distress.”

Wiggins, a labor and employment attorney, determined Stewart’s conduct fell within the Legislature’s anti-harassment policy, which broadly defines harassment as behavior a reasonable person would find “insulting, intimidating, humiliating, or degrading.”

Sen. Stewart’s attorney, Ray Vargas, acknowledged the lawmaker’s actions were inappropriate. “She wasn’t just impolite — she was downright rude,” he admitted. But he insisted the incident didn’t meet the legal threshold for harassment. “This was an unfortunate outburst in a high-stress situation, not an act of intimidation or coercion.”

Vargas explained the context: Stewart had submitted nearly $4 million in capital outlay requests on time for her district, one of the poorest in the state. When she received an email suggesting the forms were missing, she lost her temper. “She was beside herself,” Vargas said.

Former Supreme Court Justice Richard Bosson, who chairs the subcommittee, emphasized the group’s role is to determine whether a violation of the Legislature’s anti-harassment policy occurred and whether sanctions should be recommended. A formal written order is expected soon.

In a statement read aloud during the hearing, Stewart expressed regret. “I believe it’s important that we legislators treat everyone with kindness and respect, especially our staff,” she wrote. “I failed to do that. I apologized to Michelle, and I’m now seeing a counselor to help ensure I handle stressful moments better in the future.”

The subcommittee concluded its deliberations in executive session. A final decision on possible disciplinary action is expected to be made public in the coming days.

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Republican announces bid to unseat Stansbury

In a bold challenge to the far-left status quo in New Mexico’s First Congressional District, Rio Rancho pharmacist and small business owner Ndidiamaka “Didi” Okpareke has officially announced her candidacy for Congress as a Republican, setting her sights on defeating Democrat incumbent Melanie Stansbury in the 2026 election.

Okpareke, a first-generation American and proud New Mexican since 1997, brings a unique blend of real-world experience, conservative values, and a no-nonsense approach to problem-solving. The daughter of Nigerian immigrants who fled the devastation of the Biafran war in pursuit of the American dream, Okpareke’s story is one of grit, faith, and resilience. She attended Sandia High School, graduated from the University of New Mexico, and went on to become a licensed pharmacist. In 2016, she took a leap of faith and launched her own small business, Olive Tree Compounding Pharmacy, where she works daily to craft personalized health solutions for her customers.

Now, after nearly three decades in the Albuquerque area, Okpareke says enough is enough.

“New Mexicans are fed up,” said Okpareke. “We’re facing sky-high crime, economic uncertainty, collapsing public education, and a healthcare system in flux. But instead of working across the aisle to actually fix anything, Melanie Stansbury would rather film sound bites on the House floor to boost her social media following. That’s not leadership—it’s narcissism. And New Mexicans deserve better.”

As a mother of three boys, Okpareke says the stakes are personal. She warns that the American dream her parents risked everything to chase is slipping further out of reach—especially in New Mexico, where crime is rampant, businesses are burdened by overregulation, and leftist policies are failing children in the classroom.

“We are living in a New Mexico nightmare,” Okpareke said. “Families like mine are worried that our kids will inherit a state with fewer opportunities, more danger, and fewer freedoms. We need to turn things around now.”

Her message to voters is clear: it’s time to replace empty progressive posturing with bold conservative action.

“As a business owner, I’ve learned that when you want something done right, sometimes you have to do it yourself,” Okpareke added. “That’s why I’m running for Congress. I’ll bring common sense to Washington and fight to protect the values that make this country worth fighting for—faith, family, freedom, and opportunity.”

With a background rooted in hard work, a deep connection to New Mexico, and a passion for restoring the promise of the American dream, Okpareke is positioning herself as the conservative fighter ready to deliver results—not rhetoric—for New Mexicans. Find out more about Okpareke at her website linked here.

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‘God is not being taken away’? Doña Ana County kills public prayer in 4–1 vote

A centuries-old tradition grounded in American history and constitutional protection was dealt a blow Tuesday, July 22, as the Doña Ana County Commission voted 4–1 to eliminate public prayer from its meetings. The decision rescinds Resolution 2018-25, which had formally allowed invocations from community members, including faith leaders, medical personnel, and first responders.

Since 2018, nearly every county meeting began with a moment of prayer—an act affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court in Town of Greece v. Galloway, which held that ceremonial invocations do not violate the Establishment Clause so long as they remain voluntary and inclusive. But on Tuesday, commissioners argued the practice might appear exclusive or divisive. Critics say they offered no credible evidence to back the claims, instead bowing to pressure from secular activists and fringe voices seeking to erase faith from public life.

Chairman Christopher Schaljo-Hernandez acknowledged the unusually high turnout for the meeting. “We passed a $387 million budget without a single public comment,” he noted. “But tonight, because prayer is on the agenda, we’ve had overwhelming participation.” Twenty-one residents spoke on the matter, with comments sharply divided.

Former Commissioner Isabella Solis, who frequently delivered invocations herself, told the board, “Evangelical and Catholic communities significantly shape our county. You have a profound responsibility to reflect the values and beliefs of your constituents.”

Conservative leaders blasted the vote. Amy Barela, Chairwoman of the Republican Party of New Mexico, said, “Doña Ana County’s decision to eliminate public prayer is a blatant erosion of constitutional freedoms. This is not about neutrality—it’s about silencing faith. The First Amendment protects the free exercise of religion, not the forced absence of it.”

Jodi Hendricks, Executive Director of New Mexico Family Action Movement, echoed that concern: “This vote reflects a growing misunderstanding of both the Constitution and the role of faith in public life. We will continue to stand with New Mexicans who value faith, freedom, and the First Amendment.”

While some critics of the invocation policy claimed it was inherently exclusive, the data tells a different story. According to the county, 71% of invocations were Christian, 7% Catholic, 5% Jewish, and 3% nondenominational. One Native American ceremony in 2024 drew backlash, highlighting the difficult balance between inclusion and intolerance.

Commissioner Susana Chaparro was the only dissenting vote. “Prayer doesn’t have to name a religion to be meaningful,” she said. “We shouldn’t throw away a respectful tradition because of a few bad-faith actors.”

Other commissioners, including Manuel Sanchez and Gloria Gameros, argued for a moment of silence as an alternative, suggesting it offered a more “neutral” approach. Gameros insisted, “God is not being taken away… people can pray silently.”

But to many residents, the vote represents something deeper: a shift away from the moral foundations that shaped the nation. “This isn’t about a moment of silence,” said one local pastor. “It’s about pushing God out of government, one meeting at a time.”

The controversy is far from over. Faith-based advocates and constitutional watchdogs are already mobilizing to challenge what they see as an unnecessary and discriminatory reversal of religious freedom. For many, Doña Ana County has become the latest battleground in a growing national fight to defend faith in the public square.

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Government programs failing miserably as NM youth crisis deepens: Report

A new report from WalletHub confirms what many New Mexicans have seen firsthand: the state is failing its young people. Ranking third in the nation for most at-risk youth, New Mexico continues to suffer from a toxic mix of academic decline, drug use, poverty, and youth disengagement. The study, which analyzed all 50 states and Washington, D.C., looked at 15 indicators of youth risk—from dropout rates to drug abuse—and found New Mexico near the bottom in nearly every category.

The state, ran almost exclusively by Democrats for nearly a century, ranked #1 for the percentage of youth without a high school diploma, and #7 for disconnected youth—those neither working nor in school. Combine that with a top-5 ranking in youth drug use and obesity, and it paints a bleak picture for the next generation. Despite numerous government programs and increasing education budgets, there appears to be little improvement in outcomes for the very people these systems claim to serve.

More troubling still is that New Mexico ranks #10 for youth poverty and #19 for youth homelessness, illustrating that despite years of increased funding for “anti-poverty” and “youth engagement” initiatives, many young people remain directionless and vulnerable. These aren’t just numbers—they represent a growing population of young Americans who are falling through the cracks, with very real consequences for the state’s future economic stability and social well-being.

The national average for disconnected youth stands around 13%, but in states like New Mexico and Louisiana—the latter of which ranked worst overall—the rate is even higher. The second-worst state was Mississippi. According to WalletHub analyst Chip Lupo, “A high share of youth who are not working, not getting education and generally stagnating in life can spell trouble for the future.”

While WalletHub’s panel of academic experts advocates for more “culturally relevant” programs, increased community engagement, and expanded social services, the evidence suggests that the ongoing expansion of bureaucracy and government involvement has only exacerbated the problem. With many of these initiatives focused more on political correctness than practical results, New Mexico’s youth are stuck in a system that offers plenty of ideology but few real-world skills or opportunities.

The reality is that young people don’t need more empty programming—they need clear expectations, strong families, and access to real job training and educational standards that prepare them for adult life. Parents, not agencies or activist nonprofits, remain the most crucial factor in ensuring that kids stay in school, find work, and build purpose in their lives. As one expert put it, “authoritative parenting”—a combination of support and discipline—is still the gold standard.

Rather than expanding failed programs or pushing new “youth empowerment” initiatives riddled with ideological jargon, New Mexico would do better by holding its institutions accountable and promoting individual responsibility, real academic achievement, and job readiness. Without a severe course correction, the state risks continuing this generational failure—one that leaves young people unprepared and taxpayers on the hook for the consequences.

View the full WalletHub report here

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Keller again sides with criminal aliens over citizens with extreme exec. order

Democrat Albuquerque Mayor Tim Keller has signed a sweeping executive order that effectively cements the city’s status as a “sanctuary” for illegal immigrants, barring city employees and departments from cooperating with federal immigration enforcement in most circumstances. The move is being praised by far-left organizations and progressive city councilors — and sharply criticized by mayoral challenger Darren White, who called the action “reckless” and politically motivated.

Keller’s order, released Monday, claims to “protect immigrant rights,” framing it as a response to what he describes as “harmful federal policies,” including legislation like President Trump’s H.R. 1 — also known as the “One Big Beautiful Bill.” The order prohibits the Albuquerque Police and other departments from using city resources to assist in Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) operations, including detentions, raids, or information sharing, unless legally required.

The executive order assigns oversight to the city’s Office of Equity and Inclusion and expands protocols to limit federal ICE access to city buildings and operations. City departments will now be required to report ICE activity to the mayor’s office and take steps to shield children and working families from immigration enforcement.

“We will not use our resources to support raids, detentions, or information-sharing that we are not legally required to do,” Keller said. “We will protect due process for all people living in our City.”

However, critics argue that Keller is going far beyond due process and prioritizing politics over public safety.

Former Bernalillo County Sheriff Darren White, who is running to unseat Keller in November’s mayoral election, wasted no time in denouncing the order.

“This is nothing more than Mayor Keller doubling down on his dangerous policy of providing sanctuary to illegal immigrants who have committed serious crimes, rather than prioritizing the safety and well-being of our law-abiding residents,” White said in a statement. “He’s veering further to the radical left, using fear-based rhetoric and divisive language to score political points while placing federal law enforcement officers in danger.”

The order builds on a 2018 resolution that first branded Albuquerque an “immigrant-friendly city,” and city officials are already signaling plans to go further. Councilors Joaquin Baca, Klarissa Peña, Nichole Rogers, and Tammy Fiebelkorn all pledged to introduce legislation in August to codify and expand protections for undocumented immigrants.

City leaders and activists behind the policy point to economic contributions from immigrants, citing statistics that claim immigrants account for $12 billion annually in economic activity statewide. Keller’s office and groups like El CENTRO de Igualdad y Derechos argue that immigration enforcement “destabilizes families” and “terrorizes local communities.”

However, those who advocate for the rule of law view the policy as dangerously naïve and out of step with federal law.

White, who led Bernalillo County’s largest law enforcement agency, argued Keller is actively undermining cooperation between city law enforcement and federal immigration authorities — a move that could have fatal consequences.

“This executive order sends the wrong message,” White added. “It signals that Albuquerque is open to lawlessness and illegal activity, and it undermines the hard-working men and women who are tasked with enforcing our nation’s laws.”

The order is already drawing national attention and may become a central issue in the mayoral race, especially as Albuquerque continues to grapple with rising crime and concerns about law enforcement resources being diverted for political activism.

Keller’s executive order took effect immediately. City council legislation seeking to embed its provisions into law is expected to be introduced after the July recess.

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Stansbury scrambles to explain link to Ghislaine Maxwell amid public scrutiny

Far-left Democrat U.S. Rep. Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico’s First District is scrambling to rewrite her own history after official documents linked her to a nonprofit once led by convicted sex trafficker Ghislaine Maxwell, longtime associate of Jeffrey Epstein.

The controversy began when the Piñon Post credibly and factually reported on a 2021 financial disclosure form filed by Stansbury during her campaign for Congress. The document, submitted on February 19, 2021, listed “Terramar Project – Woburn, MA” as one of her former employers.

That name and location match exactly with the TerraMar Project, a now-defunct nonprofit founded and led by Maxwell. The organization gained notoriety for its ties to Epstein and its sudden closure just days after his 2019 arrest on sex trafficking charges. Maxwell was later convicted for her role in trafficking and grooming underage girls.

In response, Stansbury’s team told the Santa Fe New Mexican amid questions to issue a statement dismissing the report as a “lie” and “100% false.” Her spokesperson, Caroline Sweeney, claimed the listing was due to a “computing error” by campaign staff who had “mistakenly clicked on an auto-populated field” when entering her financial information into the House system.

But public records and House ethics rules cast serious doubt on that explanation.

According to the official 2021 House Financial Disclosure Instruction Guide, filers must manually enter each employer when completing the form. There are no dropdowns or auto-filled fields that could “accidentally” insert “Terramar Project – Woburn, MA” into the record. 

“Filers must input their reportable information the first time… the system then retains this information for future filings,” the guide states.

Also, no other congressional candidate or individual required to file such a form has ever entered TerraMar in Woburn, Massachusetts before, making the story even more implausible.

Even more telling: Stansbury had already listed “Terramar Consulting Group – Santa Fe” correctly on a 2020 New Mexico state disclosure. That means she knew the correct employer name — and chose something else in her federal filing.

Only after the Rio Grande Foundation filed a public complaint linking the disclosure to Maxwell did Stansbury amend her form. On April 21, 2021, she quietly changed it to say “Terramar Consulting Group – Santa Fe, NM.” Then, in a 2022 disclosure, she listed a third variation: “Terramar, Inc.,” another Santa Fe entity, which had been incorporated and dissolved by Cristina Mormorunni — behind the “Terramar” entity in Santa Fe — and campaign donor to Stansbury.

Stansbury’s team alleges the Democrat U.S. representative helped with a project sponsored by the Hewlett Foundation, but no such report or documentation has any trace of Stansbury whatsoever that can be publicly identified.

Facts show that Stansbury’s evolving story doesn’t pass the smell test.

House ethics rules make clear that Stansbury is personally responsible for the accuracy of her filings — staff cannot be blamed for errors.

Until she provides documentation — such as contracts, pay stubs, or client letters — proving she worked exclusively for a local “Santa Fe” firm without any ties to Maxwell’s entity, the original disclosure stands as the most credible account of her consulting past.

For now, one thing is certain: the only person who connected Melanie Stansbury to Ghislaine Maxwell’s nonprofit was Melanie Stansbury herself.

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Another Dem declares candidacy for lt. gov. nomination in crowded primary

In a political environment dominated by big-city progressives and career insiders, Jackie Lee Onsuarez is pitching himself as a rural, working-class alternative in the 2026 race for New Mexico lieutenant governor.

Onsuarez, 58, currently serves as a senior staff specialist at the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP), a vital federal facility tied to New Mexico’s energy economy. He’s also nearing the end of his first term as mayor pro tem on the Loving Village Council, where he represents about 1,200 constituents — many of whom feel forgotten by Santa Fe elites.

“I’m an advocate for the people,” Onsuarez said in an interview with Source NM. “I bring to the executive branch a set of diversified skills that nobody has there.”

Despite his alignment with the Democrat Party, Onsuarez strikes a populist tone that sharply contrasts with the far-left progressives who dominate the Capitol. He’s running, he says, because “embedded Democrats and Republicans” have turned a blind eye to rural communities and practical concerns like infrastructure, health care, and crime.

His resume includes international experience working in chemical plant construction across Saudi Arabia, India, China, and the U.K., as well as a master’s degree in electrical engineering from the New Mexico Institute of Mining and Technology. He also served by gubernatorial appointment on the New Mexico Emergency Response Commission, adding emergency management credentials to his portfolio.

This makes him an unusual figure in a field dominated by left-wing politicians more interested in identity politics than the nuts and bolts of governance.

In fact, Onsuarez enters a crowded Democrat primary alongside two well-known far-left figures: current State Land Commissioner Stephanie Garcia Richard, who is term-limited, and State Sen. Harold Pope, a progressive from Albuquerque. Both are deeply entrenched in the Santa Fe political machine, and both have built careers by pushing policies that often alienate rural New Mexicans — particularly those tied to the oil and gas industry.

Onsuarez, by contrast, embraces his Southeast New Mexico roots. “I’m the Democrat that lives in New Mexic, where at least 35% of the revenues are generated for New Mexico’s general fund,” he said. “We rural New Mexicans need a seat at that table.”

That table, of course, is currently dominated by urban leftists pushing climate mandates and anti-industry policies — many of which threaten the economic livelihood of the very regions Onsuarez represents.

While he has not yet raised or spent campaign funds, Onsuarez says his experience in small-town government has equipped him to preside over the state Senate, where the lieutenant governor plays a key procedural role.

“I’ve written laws that I tried to introduce, but they didn’t get very far,” he said. “I’ve written a lot of ordinances, and I’ve worked closely with our legal department. I certainly have the expertise to be able to learn something — and with respect to presiding over the Senate, I have the skill set to do it.”

Onsuarez isn’t endorsing any gubernatorial candidate yet, distancing himself from the three leftist names in the Democrat race: Interior Secretary Deb Haaland, Bernalillo County DA Sam Bregman, and ex-Las Cruces Mayor Ken Miyagashima.

Meanwhile, the Republican field is also taking shape, with Rio Rancho Mayor Gregg Hull leading the GOP ticket for governor. Manuel Lardizabal is the only declared Republican running for lieutenant governor so far, though more conservatives are expected to enter the race.

Whether Onsuarez can survive a Democrat primary increasingly dominated by radical urban progressives remains to be seen — but his campaign may highlight growing fractures within the party between rural pragmatists and Santa Fe ideologues.

Another Dem declares candidacy for lt. gov. nomination in crowded primary Read More »

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