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GOP candidate touts DTS primary law upon qualifying for governor’s race ballot

The campaign of Republican gubernatorial candidate Duke Rodriguez announced this week that it has exceeded the number of signatures required to qualify for New Mexico’s June 2 Republican primary. It is unclear at this time which other GOP campaigns have also crossed the threshold. 

Under New Mexico election law, Republican candidates for governor must collect at least 2,351 signatures from registered Republicans — a figure equal to 2 percent of Republicans who voted in the last gubernatorial primary. Rodriguez’s campaign said it had gathered more than 6,000 total signatures.

According to the campaign, nearly 5,000 of those signatures came from registered Republicans who personally accessed the Secretary of State’s online system, verified their voter information, and formally declared their nominee. 

“This wasn’t about checking a box. It was about earning trust,” Rodriguez said in a statement. “Every signature represents a real person who took time to participate, engage, and make their voice heard. That matters.”

While the signature requirement applies only to registered Republicans, the upcoming primary will be the first conducted under New Mexico’s semi-open primary system — a significant change to the state’s electoral process. As of Dec. 31, 2025, voters registered as Decline to State or unaffiliated made up more than 27 percent of New Mexico’s electorate.

Under the new law, unaffiliated voters will, for the first time, be able to choose either a Republican or Democrat ballot and participate directly in primary elections. Rodriguez applauded the law change, saying his campaign views it as an opportunity to broaden engagement and bring new voices into the process.

“When you look at the names behind those signatures — Smith and Johnson, Williams and Brown, Garcia, Martinez, and Rodriguez, Begay and Yazzie — you see the full story of New Mexico,” Rodriguez said. “Different roots, different experiences, but shared values and shared hopes for the future of this state.”

Rodriguez emphasized that his campaign is focused on inclusivity and respect for voters across party lines, particularly independents.

With ballot access now secured, the Rodriguez campaign says it will shift its focus toward statewide voter outreach, messaging, and coalition-building ahead of the June 2 primary election.

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ABQ wokies, NM House speaker melt down after Maduro capture by Trump

Far-left activists in Albuquerque and New Mexico House Speaker Javier Martínez (D-Albuquerque) erupted in protests and online tirades over the weekend following the dramatic capture of Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro, exposing what critics describe as another public meltdown fueled by none other than what many call “Trump Derangement Syndrome.”

According to reporting by KOAT-TV, demonstrations broke out in Albuquerque and other U.S. cities after U.S. officials confirmed Maduro and his wife were taken into custody during a late-night operation. Protesters in New Mexico condemned the move, despite Maduro facing long-standing U.S. indictments alleging narco-terrorism, drug trafficking, and collaboration with foreign terrorist organizations. Interestingly, it was Joe Biden who raised the bounty for Maduro’s arrest to $25 million in 2025 before leaving office — which was later increased to $50 million by President Trump.

“Regardless of what Maduro has done, I don’t think the situation is just, and I don’t think America has the right to act as global policemen,” one Albuquerque protester told KOAT during a march that began near Robinson Park and continued toward Civic Plaza, despite many of them supporting armament of Ukraine against Russia’s invasion and other global wars. The actions in Venezuela were not in any way acts of war, and if they were, there would be counter-offensives. However, those don’t exist.

U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez of the Second Congressional District erroneously claimed Trump committed an “act of war” in a lengthy statement, equating the capture of the bloodthirsty Venezuelan dictator to wars in the Middle East.

Hundreds of demonstrators carried picket signs and chalked slogans along city sidewalks, arguing that the United States acted unlawfully and accusing the federal government of misusing taxpayer dollars. Protester Samuel Walling told KOAT he believed the operation had nothing to do with crime or security.

“I mean, supposedly terrorism, but we’re mainly there to get oil,” Walling said, without evidence. “That’s how I see it personally.”

While activists in New Mexico decried the operation, KOAT reported that reactions elsewhere in the country were far more supportive. In Pasadena, California, Venezuelan expatriate Amara Barroeta described the moment as long-awaited accountability for a regime accused of crushing political opposition and fueling international drug trafficking.

“This is a moment that we have been waiting for for many, many years,” Barroeta told KOAT. “We’ve fought for many years for our freedom, and we’re glad that there’s help.”

Back in New Mexico, protesters also argued that federal funds should be spent domestically rather than on international enforcement actions. “A bunch of people at this park right now are literally homeless,” protester Keegan Kloer said. “I think that’s a terrible way to spend money,” according to KOAT’s coverage. It is unclear if Kloer and others will denounce the wasted funds on global freebies, such as those with the now-defunct USAID alleged grifting scheme, which was dismantled by President Trump.

But the loudest reaction came not from the streets, but from the Roundhouse.

House Speaker Javier Martínez unleashed a social media tirade, calling the capture a “kidnapping” and accusing President Trump of acting out of greed and distraction rather than law enforcement.

“This isn’t about drugs. It’s not even about Maduro being a dictator,” Martínez wrote on Facebook. “This is about Venezuela’s oil… Period.”

In a follow-up post, Martínez escalated his rhetoric further, calling Trump and his administration “reckless” and “idiotic,” while speculating—without evidence—that Cuba would be “next.”

Critics quickly pointed out that Martínez’s statements ignore the unsealed federal indictment against Maduro, which alleges decades of large-scale cocaine trafficking into the United States, partnerships with cartels and terrorist groups, and the use of Venezuela’s government infrastructure to facilitate narco-terrorism.

As protests continue and Democrat leaders, such as Second Congressional District U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez, remain openly hostile to the operation, the divide in New Mexico mirrors a broader national split—between those who view Maduro’s capture as overdue accountability and those who appear more outraged by Trump than by the alleged crimes of a foreign drug lord now facing U.S. justice.

ABQ wokies, NM House speaker melt down after Maduro capture by Trump Read More »

Not just a dictator: fed indictment lays out explosive case against Maduro

The unsealed federal indictment against Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro provides a sweeping and damning account of what U.S. prosecutors describe as a decades-long narco-terrorist enterprise run at the highest levels of the Venezuelan government—an operation allegedly designed to flood the United States with cocaine while enriching Maduro, his family, and his inner circle.

Filed in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, the superseding indictment accuses Maduro and senior regime officials of conspiring with foreign terrorist organizations and violent drug cartels to traffic thousands of tons of cocaine into the United States over more than 25 years. Prosecutors allege that drug trafficking was not incidental corruption, but rather the operating system of the Venezuelan state itself.

“For over 25 years, leaders of Venezuela have abused their positions of public trust and corrupted once-legitimate institutions to import tons of cocaine into the United States,” the indictment states. It adds that Maduro “partnered with his co-conspirators to use his illegally obtained authority and the institutions he corroded to transport thousands of tons of cocaine to the United States.”

Unlike many international drug cases, the indictment repeatedly emphasizes intent to harm the United States, elevating the charges beyond narcotics trafficking into the realm of narco-terrorism. Prosecutors allege that Maduro and his allies knowingly provided material support to U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organizations, including Colombia’s FARC and ELN, as well as transnational criminal groups such as the Sinaloa Cartel, Los Zetas, and Tren de Aragua.

The document describes Venezuela as a “safe haven” for traffickers, protected by corrupt military and intelligence officials known collectively as the Cartel de los Soles—a reference to the sun insignia worn by Venezuelan generals. By 2020, the U.S. State Department estimated that 200 to 250 tons of cocaine were being trafficked through Venezuela annually.

The indictment contains striking allegations involving Maduro’s immediate family. Prosecutors claim his wife, Cilia Flores, accepted bribes and facilitated cocaine flights, while his son—known as “Nicolasito” or “The Prince”—personally coordinated shipments to Miami and New York using state-owned aircraft. In one instance, Maduro’s relatives allegedly discussed raising $20 million in drug proceeds to fund political campaigns.

Several passages describe extreme violence allegedly ordered or protected by the regime, including kidnappings, beatings, murders, and the use of machine guns, grenades, and destructive devices in furtherance of the conspiracy.

Legal experts note that the structure of the case mirrors prior U.S. prosecutions of global criminal enemies. The charges against Maduro closely resemble the narco-terrorism case used to dismantle Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán’s Sinaloa Cartel leadership, as well as terrorism statutes used to prosecute leaders of Islamic State who never personally set foot in the United States.

Notably, the indictment repeatedly labels Maduro as the “de facto but illegitimate ruler” of Venezuela and alleges that drug trafficking continued through disputed elections and internationally condemned power grabs. Prosecutors argue that Maduro used arrests of lower-level officials to deflect scrutiny while preserving the core criminal enterprise.

The indictment includes four major counts: narco-terrorism conspiracy, cocaine importation conspiracy, possession of machine guns and destructive devices, and firearms conspiracy—each carrying severe penalties, including potential life imprisonment. It also seeks sweeping forfeiture of assets tied to the alleged crimes.

As debate continues over the legality of the recent U.S. operation that resulted in Maduro’s capture, the indictment provides critical context: the United States has long viewed Maduro not merely as a foreign autocrat, but as the alleged leader of a hostile criminal network deliberately targeting Americans through drugs, violence, and terror.

Not just a dictator: fed indictment lays out explosive case against Maduro Read More »

Trump arrests Venezuelan dictator Maduro, NM Dems lose their minds

New Mexicans across the political spectrum reacted swiftly and sharply Saturday following confirmation that U.S. forces captured Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro and his wife in a dramatic overnight operation in Caracas—an event that immediately ignited debate in Washington and reverberated throughout the Land of Enchantment.

President Donald Trump announced the successful operation early Saturday, stating that U.S. military and law-enforcement personnel worked in coordination to take Maduro into custody and remove him from Venezuela. The White House said additional details would be released later in the day. Reports from international outlets indicated multiple explosions in Caracas and the presence of U.S. special operations aircraft in the early morning hours, including the potential elimination of the Mausoleum of Hugo Chávez in Caracas.

In New Mexico, Democrat members of the state’s congressional delegation were quick to condemn the action as unlawful and dangerous. Rep. Teresa Leger Fernández blasted the operation in a series of posts on X, accusing President Trump of misplaced priorities and misleading the public.

“Americans don’t want a military intervention in a foreign country—we want affordable healthcare and housing,” Leger Fernández wrote, arguing that the president acted without congressional authorization. While acknowledging that Maduro is “a dictator and narco criminal,” she accused Trump of hypocrisy, citing past pardons of drug offenders and claiming Republicans in Congress should be “outraged” by the lack of consultation.

Rep. Melanie Stansbury echoed those criticisms, asserting that the strikes were unconstitutional and demanding immediate congressional action. “The President does not have the authority to declare war or undertake large-scale military operations without Congress,” Stansbury wrote. She also amplified comments from Massachusetts Democrat James McGovern, who claimed the operation lacked public support and questioned the administration’s spending priorities.

As of Saturday morning, other prominent New Mexico Democrats—including Sens. Martin Heinrich and Ben Ray Luján, as well as Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham—had not yet issued public statements.

Republican reaction in New Mexico was notably different. State Rep. John Block of Alamogordo, who is also the editor of the Piñon Post, celebrated the news on social media, reposting President Trump’s announcement and writing, “I LOVE THIS!!!!!” In another post, Block shared an image of Maduro’s capture alongside the comment, “2026 is the best,” signaling strong approval of the operation and its broader implications for U.S. foreign policy. He also criticized media coverage that appeared sympathetic to the Venezuelan regime, noting alignment with narratives pushed by U.S. adversaries such as Russia and Iran.

As details continue to emerge, the capture of Nicolás Maduro has already become a flashpoint in New Mexico politics—highlighting stark divisions over presidential authority, U.S. intervention abroad, and the balance between constitutional process and decisive action on the world stage. The drugs peddled into the state by the Tren de Aragua Venezuelan gang have taken the lives of New Mexicans.  

Trump arrests Venezuelan dictator Maduro, NM Dems lose their minds Read More »

As 2026 begins, NM gas prices fall well below national average — see where

Gas prices continue to fall across New Mexico, offering welcome relief to drivers after years of volatility at the pump. According to the latest data from AAA, the statewide average price for a gallon of regular gasoline in New Mexico now sits at $2.61, well below the national average of $2.83 and significantly lower than prices seen just one year ago.

AAA data show that some rural counties are now enjoying some of the lowest gas prices not only in the state, but in the region. San Miguel County currently has the lowest average price in New Mexico at $2.23 per gallon, followed closely by Curry County at $2.38. Union County is reporting an average of $2.35, while Otero County and Rio Arriba County are both at $2.40. For many residents in these areas—where long commutes are often unavoidable—lower fuel costs provide meaningful monthly savings.

In contrast, other parts of the state continue to see much higher prices. Harding County currently has the highest average at $3.71 per gallon, more than a dollar above the statewide average. Lincoln County follows at $3.01, while Catron County averages $2.99, Grant County $2.91, Cibola County $2.89, and Quay County $2.82. These disparities highlight the uneven impact of fuel pricing across New Mexico, often driven by transportation costs, supply access, and limited competition in rural markets.

Prices in New Mexico’s larger metro areas fall somewhere in the middle. Santa Fe County and Sandoval County (Rio Rancho) both report an average of $2.41 per gallon, while Bernalillo County (Albuquerque) averages $2.53. Doña Ana County (Las Cruces) is slightly higher at $2.64, but still below the national average.

The current prices mark a sharp decline compared to recent history. One year ago, New Mexico’s average gas price stood at $2.85, meaning prices have fallen by roughly 24 cents per gallon over the past 12 months. The contrast is even more striking when compared to the state’s highest recorded average of $4.83 per gallon on June 15, 2022, during the administration of Joe Biden, when inflation and energy market disruptions hit drivers hard nationwide.

Supporters of current economic policies point to the dramatic decline as evidence of a stronger energy outlook under the booming economy driven by President Donald Trump.

Increased domestic energy production, a more favorable regulatory climate, and stabilizing global markets have all been cited as contributing factors to easing prices at the pump. While energy markets remain complex and influenced by global events, New Mexico motorists are clearly seeing tangible relief.

Lower gas prices are especially significant in a large, rural state like New Mexico, where residents often travel long distances for work, healthcare, and basic services. With fuel costs down both year-over-year and well below national levels, drivers across much of the state are finally catching a break—at least for now.

As always, AAA cautions that gas prices can fluctuate rapidly based on supply, demand, and geopolitical conditions. Still, for New Mexico families watching their budgets closely, today’s numbers represent a notable improvement from the highs of recent years and a reminder of how quickly energy costs can change.

As 2026 begins, NM gas prices fall well below national average — see where Read More »

As crime explodes, NM lawmakers face renewed pressure during 2026 session

As crime continues to plague communities across New Mexico, state lawmakers are once again facing mounting pressure to confront what many residents describe as a growing crisis of public safety. Against a backdrop of violent crime, drug trafficking, repeat offenders, and high-profile incidents of carjackings and robberies, State Sen. Nicole Tobiassen is calling attention to what she says must become a unified, serious effort to restore safety and accountability.

In an email circulated this week, Tobiassen emphasized that public safety should not be treated as a partisan talking point, but rather as a core obligation of government. She pointed to concerns shared by families, business owners, first responders, and community leaders who say the criminal justice system is failing to protect law-abiding New Mexicans while allowing repeat offenders to cycle in and out of custody.

State Sen. Nicole Tobiassen (R-Albuquerque)

“Public safety is not a partisan issue — it is a fundamental responsibility of government,” Tobiassen wrote, adding that the consequences of rising crime are being felt in every corner of the state. She cited frustration with policies that many critics describe as “catch and release,” along with broader reforms that have weakened penalties and limited the ability of law enforcement and courts to hold violent offenders accountable.

Those concerns are at the center of an upcoming event dubbed “Public Safety Day,” an inaugural gathering set for Wednesday, January 21, at the New Mexico State Capitol. According to a formal press release issued by Senate Republican leadership, the event will take place at 11 a.m. in the Senate Finance Room and will bring together law enforcement officers, first responders, victim advocates, business owners, community organizations, and concerned citizens.

Organizers say the goal is to elevate frontline voices and push for meaningful, practical legislative action to address crime statewide. Visuals are expected to include uniformed first responders, advocates, and constituents engaging in a senator-led discussion on public safety priorities.

The event comes as New Mexico continues to struggle with some of the highest violent crime rates in the nation. From Albuquerque to smaller rural communities, residents report growing concerns over shootings, drug-related offenses, organized retail theft, and repeat criminal activity. Critics argue that a series of criminal justice reforms enacted over the past several years—often supported by progressive advocacy groups—have tilted too far toward leniency, undermining deterrence and public confidence.

While Tobiassen and other Republicans have been vocal in pushing back against what they describe as radical, open-prison policies, the broader political context is unavoidable. Democrats currently hold large majorities in both chambers of the New Mexico Legislature, and the governor’s office is also held by a Democrat. As a result, Republicans argue that responsibility for inaction—or insufficient action—on public safety ultimately rests with the party in power.

Still, Tobiassen’s message stops short of calling for partisan warfare. Instead, she frames Public Safety Day as a starting point for collaboration, urging New Mexicans of all political stripes to come together around the shared goal of safer streets and stronger communities.

“Your presence matters,” she wrote, inviting anyone who cares about the safety of their family or neighborhood to attend and be heard.

Whether the event leads to substantive policy changes remains to be seen. But as crime continues to dominate conversations at kitchen tables and city council meetings alike, pressure is building for lawmakers to move beyond rhetoric and deliver concrete solutions—solutions that balance accountability, victim protection, and public safety for all New Mexicans.

As crime explodes, NM lawmakers face renewed pressure during 2026 session Read More »

Socialist Bernie Sanders heaps praise upon NM’s taxpayer-funded freebies

Sen. Bernie Sanders is once again holding up New Mexico as a national model — this time praising the state’s move to offer universal “free” child care — a program critics warn will saddle taxpayers with yet another expensive, open-ended government entitlement.

In a post on X last week, Sanders applauded New Mexico for becoming the first state to guarantee taxpayer-funded child care for all families, regardless of income. He framed the program as a solution to what he called a “broken” national child care system and urged other states to follow suit.

“Our broken child care system can learn a lot from New Mexico — the state that is leading the way in guaranteeing free child care for all,” Sanders wrote, according to Bezinga. “There is no better rate of return than investing in our children. The rest of the country should follow New Mexico’s lead.”

What Sanders calls an “investment,” however, critics see as another costly government expansion in one of the poorest states in the nation — one already struggling with chronic budget pressures, low educational outcomes, and heavy reliance on federal dollars.

New Mexico officially rolled out the program in November. Under the plan, families receive state-funded vouchers that cover the full cost of child care at participating providers, both public and private. Unlike previous assistance programs, the benefit has no income cap, meaning even high-earning households qualify.

The initiative is administered through the Early Childhood Education and Care Department (ECECD), which was created in 2019 and has steadily expanded its scope and spending ever since. Funding comes largely from state revenues — including oil and gas dollars — raising concerns about sustainability if energy markets decline.

Supporters argue the program will boost workforce participation and improve early childhood outcomes. But opponents question why a state where nearly 18% of residents live below the poverty line is prioritizing universal subsidies instead of targeted aid, basic academic performance, or crime reduction.

They also warn that “free” government programs are rarely free. Taxpayers ultimately foot the bill, while costs tend to balloon as eligibility expands and political pressure grows to increase benefits. Once entrenched, such programs become nearly impossible to roll back — even if they underperform or crowd out private options.

Sanders’ praise comes as other Democrat-led states and cities pursue similar policies. Connecticut recently approved child care subsidies for families earning under $100,000, while capping costs for higher earners. In New York City, incoming leadership has floated proposals for a fully government-run, no-cost child care system.

Critics say these efforts reflect a broader socialist approach to governance: expanding entitlements, centralizing services, and shifting personal and family responsibilities onto the state — all while ignoring long-term fiscal consequences.

For New Mexico, the question remains whether universal child care will meaningfully improve outcomes — or simply become another expensive program propped up by temporary revenues, growing bureaucracy, and promises future taxpayers will be forced to keep.

As Sanders pushes to export the model nationwide, skeptics argue New Mexico should first prove it can manage the basics before becoming the blueprint for the rest of the country.

Socialist Bernie Sanders heaps praise upon NM’s taxpayer-funded freebies Read More »

Court says ‘no thanks’ to state’s bid to save 7-day gun waiting period

A federal appeals court has declined to revisit its decision striking down New Mexico’s seven-day waiting period for most firearm purchases, leaving the law blocked while the state weighs its next move.

Earlier this week, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit denied a request from state attorneys to rehear the case before the full court, known as an en banc review. That request followed an August ruling by a three-judge panel that concluded New Mexico’s 2024 “Waiting Period Act” violates the Second Amendment.

The decision means the appeals court’s earlier ruling remains in effect, temporarily halting enforcement of the law, which required most gun buyers to wait seven days before taking possession of a firearm.

In a dissent accompanying the court’s refusal to grant a rehearing, Appeals Court Judge Richard E.N. Federico argued the panel’s decision disregarded what he described as serious public safety concerns tied to firearms regulation in New Mexico. Federico wrote that the law was enacted in response to high levels of gun violence and was intended to curb impulsive acts of violence and suicide.

Federico also warned that the ruling could create legal uncertainty within the Tenth Circuit, noting it may conflict with earlier appellate decisions upholding certain firearm restrictions in other states. He said the outcome could complicate how lower courts address future Second Amendment challenges across the region.

“This appears to be the first time the Tenth Circuit has struck down a firearms statute as unconstitutional under the Second Amendment,” Federico wrote, adding that the ruling could have “widespread ramifications” beyond New Mexico, as reported by the Albuquerque Journal.

The law at issue was signed in 2024 by Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham and applied broadly to firearm purchases statewide, with limited exceptions for concealed carry permit holders and transfers between immediate family members.

The case originated when two New Mexico residents challenged the law shortly after it took effect. A federal district court initially upheld the statute, but the plaintiffs prevailed on appeal. One of the challengers, Samuel Ortega, argued that the law imposed an indiscriminate waiting period even on individuals who pass background checks immediately, distinguishing it from other firearm regulations upheld in court.

In his dissent, Federico also cautioned against relying on potential future intervention by the U.S. Supreme Court to resolve the issue, warning that the absence of a rehearing leaves Second Amendment jurisprudence unsettled within the circuit.

The Tenth Circuit’s jurisdiction covers New Mexico, Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, Utah, and Wyoming.

Following the latest court action, New Mexico House Republicans issued a sharp rebuke of the governor’s gun control efforts.

“The courts just shut down the Governor’s gun control push…again. A federal appeals court refused to back Governor Lujan Grisham and told the lower court to suspend the 7-day waiting period while the case continues. Blaming law-abiding gun owners for crime isn’t just bad policy, it doesn’t hold up in court. Despite this ruling, will progressive lawmakers continue to pursue more of these unconstitutional gun control bills during the 2026 legislative session?”

For now, the seven-day waiting period remains unenforceable as the state considers whether to seek review by the U.S. Supreme Court or pursue other legal avenues.

Court says ‘no thanks’ to state’s bid to save 7-day gun waiting period Read More »

‘Democratic socialist’ challenges actual socialist Gabe Vasquez for CD2

A self-proclaimed “democratic socialist” is attempting to unseat Rep. Gabe Vasquez from the left in New Mexico’s Second Congressional District, launching a primary challenge that has quickly drawn attention—and controversy—on social media.

Tom Wakely, a Vietnam-era Air Force veteran and longtime progressive activist now residing in southern New Mexico, has been actively promoting his congressional campaign on Reddit, particularly in the r/LasCruces subreddit. In a lengthy thread titled “democratic socialist runs for congress,” Wakely personally engaged with commenters, solicited ballot-access petition signatures, and leveled sharp accusations against Vasquez and pro-Israel advocacy organizations.

In one exchange, Wakely claimed that Vasquez is influenced by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), despite other users pointing out that Vasquez has never received direct AIPAC donations. After a commenter stated that “Gabe Vasquez has never received AIPAC money” and instead received support from J Street, Wakely responded by asserting that AIPAC conceals its influence through intermediary Democratic PACs. “One of the tactics AIPAC uses to disguise who they want to donate to is to make the donation to a Democratic PAC,” Wakely wrote, adding that “greater transparency in politics is sorely needed.”

The comments sparked pushback from multiple Reddit users, some of whom challenged Wakely’s framing of Jewish and pro-Israel organizations. One user noted that “not all Israeli orgs are AIPAC,” while another questioned whether Wakely and his supporters understood that Jews are an ethnic group, not merely a religious or political identity.

The discussion devolved further when a commenter stated, “I don’t support Zionists. Period,” and argued that they vote against “ALL religious groups and theocracy-leaning political options.” Another user replied bluntly: “You’re aware Jews are an ethnicity right?” Wakely did not publicly distance himself from those remarks within the thread.

Wakely’s campaign rhetoric goes well beyond criticism of Vasquez. On his campaign website and in Reddit comments, he openly and inaccurately labels Israel’s military actions in Gaza as “genocide” and accuses the Democratic Party of being complicit for continuing to support Israel. He has cited activist NGOs such as B’Tselem and has repeatedly attacked what he calls “Zionist organizations” for allegedly controlling U.S. foreign policy.

At the same time, Wakely positions himself as an “economic populist,” frequently quoting Democrat strategist James Carville to justify a dramatic shift leftward. In one Reddit post, Wakely cited Carville’s statement that “the Democratic Party must now run on the most populist economic platform since the Great Depression,” arguing that centrists like Vasquez are “part of the problem.”

However, Vasquez’s actual socialist voting record places him firmly within the far-left wing of the Democratic caucus. Since taking office, Vasquez has supported large federal spending packages, labor-backed legislation, climate regulations, and Democrat leadership priorities—positions that critics argue already align with socialist-leaning policy outcomes, even if he rejects the label. He has even repeatedly voted to deny protections for children from radical transgender ideology, even when a few in his own party in competitive seats, like the Second Congressional District, have disavowed it.

Vasquez has also been rabidly anti-Israel, even attending rallies at the Southern Border promoting open borders and trashing Israel, while standing arm-in-arm with pro-Palestinian terror organizations.

Several Reddit users openly questioned Wakely’s viability in a swing district. One commenter wrote flatly, “You can’t beat anyone.” Another said they would “hold my nose and vote for Vasquez if it’s him or a Republican,” reflecting concerns that Wakely’s rhetoric could jeopardize Democratic control of NM-02 in a general election.

Despite the skepticism, Wakely insisted in the thread that he could defeat both Vasquez and the eventual Republican nominee, claiming voters are “fed up with pro-business centrist politicians.” Yet even among sympathetic commenters, many indicated they would ultimately support Vasquez in November, regardless of the primary outcome.

As the 2026 cycle approaches, Wakely’s online presence underscores a growing ideological rift within the Democratic Party—one that pits self-identified democratic socialists against incumbents already voting for expansive government power, but viewed by activists as insufficiently radical. Whether that message resonates beyond Reddit remains an open question. 

At least two viable Republican candidates, as well as perennially losing candidates, have registered to run in the Second District, including veteran of the U.S. Marine Corps. and Albuquerque Police Department, Greg Cunningham. Cunningham has the endorsement of U.S. Department of Agriculture Assistant Secretary Yvette Herrell, who formerly served the Second District in Congress for two years.

‘Democratic socialist’ challenges actual socialist Gabe Vasquez for CD2 Read More »

Governor releases budget proposal, including curious $1.5M UNM line-item

As Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham enters her final year in office, her Fiscal Year 2027 executive budget recommendation reveals a series of priorities that appear designed less for short-term needs and more for long-term policy entrenchment — most notably a $1.5 million appropriation to permanently endow a political science faculty position at the University of New Mexico.

In the opening narrative of the budget, Lujan Grisham frames the proposal as a capstone to her administration.

“I enter my final year in office with the same fundamental objective that guided my first — to improve the lives of all New Mexicans,” the governor writes. “It begins with this budget.”

Yet buried deep in the document is a line item that has drawn sharp scrutiny.

$1.5 Million for UNM Political Science

On pages 63–64 of the budget, the governor recommends $1.5 million purporting to be for an endowed faculty position in the department of political science.”

Endowed faculty positions are not temporary grants. They are permanent, long-term investments that shape curriculum, research priorities, and institutional direction for decades.

The budget provides no explanation for why political science — rather than teacher preparation, nursing, engineering, or public safety — merits a seven-figure endowment, particularly as New Mexico continues to rank near the bottom nationally in education outcomes and public safety metrics.

The timing also raises questions. Lujan Grisham explicitly acknowledges that her administration is nearing its end, writing that the FY27 proposal reflects the values she intends to leave behind.

“This proposal reflects a commitment to responsible fiscal stewardship while continuing to invest in our people, communities, and future,” she states.

Critics argue that permanently funding an ideological academic discipline during a lame-duck year is less about stewardship and more about legacy-building.

Hundreds of Millions for Housing and Homelessness

The FY27 budget also doubles down on homelessness and housing initiatives, with large nonrecurring appropriations:

  • $65 million for statewide housing initiatives
  • $45 million for homelessness initiatives
  • $5 million for supportive housing linkages
  • $6 million over three years for Office of Housing operations

In addition, the capital section of the budget includes:

“$100 million for fairgrounds revitalization projects.”

While described broadly as revitalization, the fairgrounds funding is included alongside the administration’s housing and homelessness strategy, raising concerns among critics that public property could be repurposed into long-term housing or shelter infrastructure rather than temporary assistance.

Despite years of escalating spending, homelessness has worsened in Albuquerque and other urban areas, prompting questions about whether continued funding increases are producing measurable results.

Expanded Public Health and Social Programming

The Department of Health receives multiple nonrecurring appropriations, including:

  • $250,000 for long-acting reversible contraceptives
  • $1.5 million for vaccine purchasing and a vaccine marketing campaign
  • $1.24 million for a statewide dance program for low-income at-risk youth
  • $2 million for facilities operation and maintenance

While the administration frames these items as public health investments, critics note that several of the programs extend beyond core health services into behavioral and social policy.

“Free” Daycare

The budget also continues the governor’s heavy emphasis on early childhood spending, directing hundreds of millions of dollars to the Early Childhood Education and Care Department (ECECD) across childcare assistance, pre-K, and early childhood programs. The budget proposal includes $160.6 million requested

This push comes despite the Early Childhood Trust Fund already holding roughly $10 billion, a balance even George Muñoz, chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, has acknowledged is more than sufficient for long-term sustainability. Lawmakers have increasingly questioned why additional appropriations are needed when the trust fund alone can generate substantial annual revenue without further taxpayer contributions.

Regulatory and Environmental Expansion

The budget also includes significant nonrecurring funding for environmental regulation and planning:

  • $1 million for rulemaking, public engagement, and administrative hearings
  • $2 million for “circular economy” initiatives
  • $10 million for the River Stewardship Program

These items prioritize regulatory capacity and long-term environmental policy infrastructure rather than immediate cost relief for ratepayers.

Bureaucracy Growth Continues

Finally, the budget reflects continued growth in administrative offices, including increased funding for the Office of African American Affairs, as well as additional staffing and operational funding across multiple agencies.

While the governor emphasizes “shared values” and equity in her narrative, critics argue the budget expands government structures even as New Mexico families face rising costs and stagnant outcomes.

A Budget That Tells a Story

The FY27 executive budget totals $11.3 billion, a 4.6 percent increase over the previous year. But beyond the topline number, the details suggest an administration focused on embedding its priorities well beyond its tenure.

As lawmakers prepare to scrutinize the proposal, the $1.5 million political science endowment (permanent, unexplained, and ideologically loaded) may become a focal point in the broader debate over what kind of legacy this budget is meant to secure.

Governor releases budget proposal, including curious $1.5M UNM line-item Read More »

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