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Democrat effort to boot Dow backfires in unanimous court ruling

In a decisive and unanimous ruling, the New Mexico Supreme Court overturned a lower court decision and ordered that Republican state Rep. Rebecca Dow be placed back on the ballot—delivering a major legal victory after an aggressive challenge from her former Democrat opponent.

The case stemmed from a lawsuit filed by former state Rep. Tara Jaramillo, who sought to disqualify Dow over the format of her nominating petition filings. Dow had submitted printed screenshots from a New Mexico Secretary of State portal, which included voter names and unique voter identification numbers—information that is verifiable and accessible through the state’s system.

Before filing, Dow contacted both the Secretary of State’s office and the Sierra County Clerk to confirm the method was acceptable. According to testimony and arguments before the court, both affirmed the process was valid.

Despite that, a district court ruled in favor of Jaramillo and ordered Dow removed from the ballot, citing technical concerns over the format of the petitions. Dow appealed the decision to the state’s highest court, setting up a high-stakes legal battle with implications for ballot access statewide.

During oral arguments, the justices sharply questioned Daymon Ely, the attorney representing Jaramillo, particularly over the distinction between substance and technical compliance.

Justice C. Shannon Bacon pressed Ely directly, asking, “Is it filed in the sense that it was filed for the purposes of the declaration?”

“Absolutely not,” Ely responded. “It is to verify if there is a registered voter.”

That argument was quickly challenged by Justice David K. Thomson, who pushed back forcefully, citing prior case law.

“I disagree,” Thomson said, referencing precedent and engaging in a notably combative exchange with Ely during the hearing.

Attorneys representing both the Secretary of State and the Democratic Party ultimately acknowledged that the information Dow submitted was accurate and verifiable. Because the data originated from the official Secretary of State portal, any voter could independently confirm the signatures and associated voter identification numbers.

Dow’s attorney, Carter Harrison, emphasized that the system itself prevents duplicate signatures and that Dow had submitted printed records directly generated from the state’s system—not altered or fabricated documents. He argued the challenge was not about the validity of signatures, but rather about technical semantics.

The court also raised broader concerns about how the dispute arose in the first place. Justices including Michael E. Vigil and Thomson noted that the restrictions cited against Dow were not clearly outlined in statute but instead stemmed from administrative practices within the Secretary of State’s office—rules that were not adopted through a formal rule-making process subject to public input or legal challenge.

That distinction appeared to weigh heavily in the court’s decision.

“If there is a close question here, democracy should prevail,” concluded Harrison, as arguments ended.

In announcing the ruling from the bench, Chief Justice Julie J. Vargas made the outcome clear:

“The court has come to an agreement, and it is unanimous in its outcome. The district court is reversed, the Secretary of State is directed to put Rep. Dow’s name on the ballot.”

The court expedited its announcement due to the time-sensitive nature of election deadlines.

The ruling restores Dow’s candidacy and resolves what had become a closely watched legal battle over ballot access, election law interpretation, and the role of administrative rules versus statutory requirements.

The case also underscores the high stakes surrounding control of the New Mexico Legislature, where Democrats remain just a few seats away from a supermajority. Critics of the challenge argued that attempts to remove candidates over technicalities risk undermining voter choice and shifting electoral outcomes through the courts rather than at the ballot box.

The New Mexico House Republicans responded to the news via X, writing, “The Supreme Court has restored Rep. Rebecca Dow to the GOP primary ballot. The result is simple: thousands of voters now have their voice and their choice back in this race.”

“New Mexico Democrats’ attempt to remove a candidate over failures in the state’s own system has been rejected. Their push to sideline voters and cement control has failed. Now the decision goes back where it belongs, to the voters.”

With the Supreme Court’s decision now final, Dow will appear on the ballot—leaving the ultimate decision with the voters.

State Rep. Stefani Lord (R-Sandia Park) wrote following the news, “They tried to rig the field. The court crushed it, unanimously. Rebecca Dow is back on the ballot! The people, not a disgruntled ex-candidate or political games, get to choose.”

New Mexico Republican Party Chairwoman Amy Barela reacted to the news, writing via social media, “The New Mexico Supreme Court’s unanimous decision to place Rebecca Dow back on the ballot is a victory for fairness, election integrity, and the rule of law. After the partisan ruling from the Doña Ana County judge, the Supreme Court recognized the truth: the system is flawed, and the signatures collected were valid from the start because they were gathered in accordance with the process as it currently exists.”

She concluded, “This decision is a win for every candidate and every voter who believes elections should be conducted fairly and consistently. It also shines a light on the serious need to correct these flawed processes that the Secretary of State has failed to address. Now let’s go turn New Mexico RED!”

This is a developing story. Reactions to this news are still pouring in…

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NM gubernatorial candidate to headline Mar-a-Lago fundraiser

Republican gubernatorial candidate Doug Turner is set to headline a high-dollar fundraiser next month at President Donald J. Trump’s Mar-a-Lago Club, highlighting the growing national attention and financial stakes surrounding New Mexico’s governor’s race.

According to reporting from the Santa Fe New Mexican, Turner (one of three Republicans seeking the party’s nomination) will be a featured guest at the May 6 event in Palm Beach, Florida. He is expected to appear alongside Alaska gubernatorial candidate Bernadette Wilson.

The fundraiser is being promoted as an exclusive opportunity for donors to engage directly with rising Republican candidates in a private setting.

“Join us for an exclusive, off-the-record conversation with the next Governors of Alaska and New Mexico,” the invitation states, according to the Santa Fe New Mexican. “Two leaders poised to shape the future of American energy independence, national security and secure President Trump’s America First Agenda.”

The event will be hosted by Chris and Ashlee Clarke, a donor couple identified in the invitation materials, and is expected to draw high-level contributors from across the country.

But attending won’t come cheap.

The invitation outlines two tiers for participation, with “host committee” access priced at $25,000 per couple and general attendance set at $10,000 per couple. The evening is scheduled to begin with a cocktail reception at 7 p.m., followed by a formal seated dinner at 8 p.m.

Turner’s appearance at Mar-a-Lago underscores the increasingly nationalized nature of New Mexico’s gubernatorial race, as candidates look to tap into major donor networks and align themselves with broader Republican priorities.

Mar-a-Lago has become a central hub for Republican fundraising and political strategy, particularly for candidates seeking to connect with influential donors and align with Trump’s political orbit.

The themes highlighted in the invitation—energy independence, national security, and the “America First Agenda”—signal the policy direction Turner is emphasizing as he seeks to gain traction in the primary.

While the New Mexico governor’s race is still taking shape, events like this provide candidates with opportunities to build national relationships, secure early financial commitments, and position themselves within the broader political landscape.

Turner’s participation in a high-profile event at Mar-a-Lago may also boost his standing among Republican voters who view alignment with Trump and his policy priorities as a key indicator of credibility.

As the primary contest develops, the ability to raise funds and build a strong campaign infrastructure will likely prove critical—and high-dollar events like this one could play a major role in determining which candidates emerge as frontrunners.

Turner’s Mar-a-Lago appearance signals that New Mexico’s next gubernatorial election may be influenced not just by local dynamics, but by broader political forces shaping the Republican Party as a whole.

NM gubernatorial candidate to headline Mar-a-Lago fundraiser Read More »

Dem gov’s primary turns ugly: Bregman accuses Haaland of ‘doxxing’ family

Tensions are escalating in New Mexico’s Democrat gubernatorial primary after candidate Sam Bregman accused rival Deb Haaland’s campaign of putting his family at risk by posting property-related information online—calling the move an “epic failure of judgment” and equating it to “doxxing.”

According to reporting from the Albuquerque Journal, Haaland’s campaign published details tied to four properties Bregman owns—located in Albuquerque, Angel Fire, and Houston—on its website. The information included parcel and account numbers along with estimated property values. The content was taken down Friday after Bregman sent a letter demanding its removal.

The controversy quickly became a flashpoint during a candidate forum, where Bregman directly confronted Haaland and accused her campaign of crossing a serious line.

“This is really important to me,” Bregman said. “What I saw this week, I have to be honest, Deb—this was an epic failure of judgment when you posted on your website my 88-year-old mother’s house, my daughter’s house… with my two grandchildren.”

Bregman warned that even if full addresses were not explicitly listed, the information made it easy for anyone to locate his family members.

“It’s a click away from somebody finding out,” he said. “Everybody knows what I do for a living—I’m the district attorney.”

He then escalated his criticism, accusing the campaign of engaging in dangerous tactics for political gain.

“But you want to post that to get some kind of political shot in? That’s called doxxing,” Bregman said. “It’s not right. And I can’t believe we have actually stooped to that level in this campaign.”

In a separate interview cited by the Albuquerque Journal, Bregman expressed anger over the potential consequences of the post.

“Anger doesn’t even begin to describe what Deb Haaland did in the name of politics,” he said. “She put my family at risk—the safety and well-being of my family at risk.”

Bregman emphasized that his role as 2nd Judicial District Attorney makes the situation particularly concerning, given the nature of the cases his office handles.

“I’m the district attorney,” he said. “I put a lot of people away in prison. We deal with people who make threats all the time.”

The Albuquerque Journal reported that one of the properties listed is Bregman’s personal residence, while others are tied to close family members, including his elderly mother and his daughter, who lives with her family in Texas.

Haaland’s campaign has defended the post, saying the information came from publicly available sources. Campaign spokeswoman Hannah Menchhoff told the Journal, “None of this is private information… We did not publish his address, and ultimately, there are ways to look this up.”

Still, the campaign removed the information within 24 hours after receiving Bregman’s letter.

For Bregman, however, the issue goes beyond legality and into judgment.

“My family in danger because of a political campaign? Ridiculous,” he said.

The dispute has added a sharp edge to the Democrat primary race, raising broader questions about campaign tactics and the line between opposition research and personal safety.

Dem gov’s primary turns ugly: Bregman accuses Haaland of ‘doxxing’ family Read More »

Oh, the irony: NM official cries ‘land grab’ after backing 30 by 30 land heist

In a striking turn of events, New Mexico’s far-left Public Lands Commissioner Stephanie Garcia Richard is now sounding the alarm over what she calls a federal “land grab”—involving just seven acres along the southern border.

The reaction is drawing criticism and raising eyebrows, given Garcia Richard’s past involvement in efforts to dramatically expand government influence over land use across the state.

According to reporting by Source New Mexico, U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) is seeking to acquire a narrow strip of state trust land near Santa Teresa to expand border infrastructure. The parcel—originally granted to the state in 1898 to help fund public education—has been under discussion for potential purchase for years.

As Source New Mexico reported, federal officials determined the land was needed “to construct new border infrastructure along the United States/Mexico border, namely, steel bollard border barrier, the installation of detection technology, and roads.”

CBP offered approximately $800,000 for the property—an amount the U.S. Department of Justice indicated reflected fair market value. But after the State Land Office did not respond by a federal deadline, officials moved forward with plans to acquire the land through condemnation proceedings, Source New Mexico reported.

Garcia Richard responded forcefully, calling the move a “historic overreach” by the Trump administration.

“Doing business with these thugs was simply not an option,” she said, according to Source New Mexico. “Unsurprisingly, the President threw a temper tantrum when he couldn’t automatically get his way and is now going to forcibly take our state land and deny our school kids the revenue that comes from it.”

Her comments mark the latest escalation in an ongoing conflict between the State Land Office and federal authorities over border wall construction and enforcement activity.

But critics point to a deeper contradiction.

Garcia Richard previously participated—through her office—in Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s “30 by 30” initiative, an ambitious conservation effort aimed at placing at least 30% of New Mexico’s land under conservation status by 2030.

According to a state presentation outlining the initiative, the executive order set a goal of conserving “at least 30 percent of all lands in New Mexico… with an additional 20 percent designated as climate stabilization areas.”

The same materials show that the State Land Office, under Garcia Richard’s leadership, had representation in the working group helping guide the effort, which was tasked with advising the governor and coordinating land-related policy across agencies.

That effort represents a far broader potential impact on land use than the mere seven-acre parcel now at the center of the dispute.

Meanwhile, Garcia Richard has framed the federal action as a threat to education funding, noting that state trust lands are intended to generate revenue for public schools.

Still, the federal government’s position is that the acquisition is necessary for national security infrastructure along the border—part of a broader effort to enhance enforcement and surveillance capabilities.

The dispute highlights a longstanding tension between state control of trust lands and federal authority over border security, particularly in New Mexico, where vast stretches of land intersect with international boundaries.

For now, CBP is expected to proceed with legal action to acquire the parcel, while the State Land Office reviews potential options to challenge the move.

Oh, the irony: NM official cries ‘land grab’ after backing 30 by 30 land heist Read More »

Heinrich ends up with egg on his face after brutal takedown

A heated exchange on X between U.S. Sen. Martin Heinrich and Sen. Mike Lee is drawing widespread attention after Heinrich’s attempted attack over Epstein files quickly turned against him in dramatic fashion.

The clash began when Lee criticized Senate Democrats—including Heinrich—for opposing efforts related to the César Chávez National Monument, writing:

“The César Chávez National Monument is the very place where Chávez sexually abused women and children. Senate Democrats just fought to keep this crime scene enshrined as a national monument….”

Heinrich responded by attempting to shift the narrative, posting a headline attacking Lee:

“Sen. Lee votes to block release of Epstein files day after Trump’s name surfaces.”

But Lee quickly fired back, disputing the framing and pointing to the underlying vote itself. According to reporting from Fox News, the July 2025 vote in question involved a Democratic push to force the release of unredacted Epstein-related files, a move Republicans opposed over concerns about exposing sensitive information and politicizing incomplete records.

Fox News reported that Republicans argued releasing unredacted documents without proper review could risk “misleading or weaponized interpretations” and potentially interfere with ongoing legal matters tied to the case.

Lee then escalated the exchange further—posting a screenshot of a 2012 email tied to Epstein-related documents that included Heinrich.

The email, dated July 16, 2012, reads in part:

“Congressman Martin Heinrich will be in NYC tomorrow and would love to get lunch with you around 12:30pm if you’re free… Please let me know if you’re interested in meeting him and learning more about his race for Senate in New Mexico…”

The message described Heinrich’s campaign as “a top-tier Senate race” and emphasized its importance in determining Senate control.

While being mentioned in such documents does not imply wrongdoing, the optics of the exchange quickly shifted the narrative online—undercutting Heinrich’s attempt to use the Epstein issue as a political attack.

The moment rapidly gained traction, with prominent voices weighing in. Conservative activist Scott Presler responded bluntly to Lee’s post, “Owned.”

The exchange highlights the increasingly high-risk nature of political clashes on social media, particularly when they involve complex and controversial topics like the Epstein files.

What began as an attempt by Heinrich to criticize Lee over a Senate vote instead opened the door to scrutiny of Heinrich’s own appearance in Epstein-related records—creating what many observers described as an unforced political error.

The broader Epstein debate has become a flashpoint in national politics, with both parties accusing each other of selectively using information for political gain. But as this exchange demonstrates, those tactics can backfire quickly—especially in a fast-moving online environment.

For Lee, the moment served as an opportunity to flip the narrative and challenge the premise of Heinrich’s attack. For Heinrich, it became a cautionary example of how political messaging can unravel in real time.

As social media continues to shape political discourse, exchanges like this are becoming more common—where a single post can escalate into a viral flashpoint with national implications in a matter of hours.

Heinrich ends up with egg on his face after brutal takedown Read More »

NM Supreme Court torpedoes AG Torrez’s crusade against Otero County

In a sweeping and unanimous decision, the New Mexico Supreme Court has rejected an aggressive legal challenge from Attorney General Raúl Torrez targeting Otero County’s federal detention contract—delivering a major victory for the county and raising new questions about the limits of the AG’s authority.

All five justices on the court sided with Otero County, denying the Attorney General’s emergency petition that sought to invalidate the county’s longstanding agreement with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). The ruling also denied a request for an emergency stay, allowing operations at the Otero County Processing Center to continue uninterrupted.

The decision is particularly notable given the ideological makeup of the court. Despite being composed entirely of Democrat members, the justices ruled 5-0 against the Democratic Attorney General’s legal theory—underscoring the weakness of the case brought against the county.

At the center of the dispute was the county’s intergovernmental service agreement (IGSA) with federal authorities, which has been in place for nearly two decades. The contract supports the operation of the Otero County Processing Center in Chaparral and serves as a major economic driver for the region.

According to county officials, the stakes of the case were significant. The facility supports 284 local jobs and generates approximately $21 million in annual wages, while also backing more than $14 million in outstanding bond obligations tied to the county’s jail infrastructure.

County leaders argued that the Attorney General’s attempt to terminate the contract would have triggered an immediate financial crisis—potentially forcing the county into default and jeopardizing its long-term fiscal stability.

In a statement following the ruling, Otero County Attorney R.B. Nichols said the court’s decision affirmed both the legality of the contract and the county’s position.

“The legal arguments the County advanced were grounded in the plain text of New Mexico law, eighteen years of uninterrupted state acquiescence, and the federal government’s exclusive authority over immigration detention,” Nichols said. “The Court appears to have seen those arguments clearly.”

The ruling also marks a significant rebuke of the Attorney General’s strategy. County officials characterized the lawsuit as a politically motivated effort to dismantle a lawful federal contract—one that had operated without challenge for nearly two decades.

“The Supreme Court did exactly what courts are supposed to do—apply the law as written, without regard to political pressure,” said Otero County Commission Chair Vickie Marquardt.

Critics of the Attorney General’s action argue the case reflects a broader pattern of overreach, with state-level officials attempting to override local governance decisions for political purposes. In this instance, the court’s unanimous ruling suggests those efforts ran headlong into established law.

The court’s decision ensures that the federal contract remains fully in force, preserving both jobs and revenue streams that are critical to Otero County’s economy.

More broadly, the case highlights an ongoing tension between state political leadership and local governments—particularly in areas involving federal partnerships and immigration enforcement.

For now, Otero County officials are framing the ruling as a clear victory—not just for the county, but for the principle that local governments can operate within the law without being subjected to what they view as politically driven legal attacks.

With the Supreme Court’s decision, the county’s position has been fully upheld—and the Attorney General’s attempt to dismantle the contract has been decisively rejected.

NM Supreme Court torpedoes AG Torrez’s crusade against Otero County Read More »

NM election runoff result is turning heads across the country

A local New Mexico race is now drawing national attention after a decisive Republican victory in Rio Rancho’s mayoral runoff, with some political observers pointing to the results as an early warning sign for Democrats heading into the 2026 midterms.

Republican candidate Paul Wymer won the race in commanding fashion, defeating Democrat Alexandria Piland by a margin of 63% to 37%—a 26-point victory that far exceeded recent partisan benchmarks in the area.

What’s drawing particular attention is how that margin compares to President Donald J. Trump’s performance in the same area. Trump carried Rio Rancho by just 3 points, meaning Wymer outperformed that margin by roughly 23 points—a gap that is now being widely discussed across political circles.

Prominent national commentators quickly seized on the results.

“O’Keefe Media Group” correspondent Michael Casey highlighted the race as part of a broader trend, writing on X that Republicans are seeing “solid over performances… a good indicator for President Trump and the GOP heading into the midterms,” while noting Rio Rancho as one of the standout results.

Meanwhile, Florida-based commentator Eric Daugherty, who has more than one million followers on X, described the outcome as a “+23 POINT OVERPERFORMANCE,” adding, “Republican Paul Wymer WINS 63%-37%… Donald Trump won this city by 3 points.”

Conservative influencer Gunther Eagleman, who boasts over 1.7 million followers, called the result a “huge win,” framing the margin as a “massive +23 point overperformance.”

While mayoral races are officially nonpartisan in many municipalities, the Rio Rancho contest quickly became a proxy for broader political trends, particularly given the stark margin and its comparison to recent presidential results.

The outcome has fueled speculation that Republicans may be gaining ground in areas previously considered competitive—or at least that Democrat strength in such areas may be softer than expected. It is also of note that Rio Rancho has voter ID for local elections — proving that the policy results in less fraud and more secure elections.

Rio Rancho, one of New Mexico’s fastest-growing cities, has often been seen as a bellwether for suburban political trends in the state. A result of this magnitude is likely to attract attention from both parties as they begin to map out strategy for 2026.

For Republicans, the result is being touted as evidence of momentum and voter enthusiasm, particularly in a district where the baseline partisan advantage is relatively narrow.

For Democrats, the margin may raise concerns about turnout, messaging, or complacency in local races that can serve as early indicators of broader shifts.

The national amplification of the race—driven in part by high-profile social media accounts—suggests that even local elections are increasingly being viewed through the lens of national political battles.

Whether the Rio Rancho results prove to be an outlier or an early signal of shifting voter sentiment remains to be seen. But for now, the race has placed New Mexico squarely in the national political conversation—months before most voters are even thinking about the next election cycle.

NM election runoff result is turning heads across the country Read More »

GOP heavyweights line up behind Cunningham in CD-2 race

New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District is rapidly emerging as a top-tier battleground in the 2026 election cycle, as the full Republican House leadership team has now lined up behind candidate Greg Cunningham—a move that underscores growing national attention on the race.

In a joint endorsement statement shared by House Speaker Mike Johnson, Majority Leader Steve Scalise, Majority Whip Tom Emmer, and Republican Conference Chair Lisa McClain, Cunningham was praised as a candidate who can help Republicans expand their majority in Congress.

“Greg Cunningham is a patriot who will help us continue to deliver safe streets, secure borders, lower costs, and peace through strength,” the leaders said in the statement, highlighting his background as a U.S. Marine Corps veteran, former Albuquerque police detective, and business owner.

The coordinated endorsement comes just days after President Donald J. Trump also threw his support behind Cunningham, further elevating the profile of the race and signaling that national Republicans are coalescing early around a single candidate.

Together, the endorsements represent a rare show of unified support from the highest levels of the Republican Party, suggesting that NM-2 is being viewed as a prime pickup opportunity.

Cunningham is challenging incumbent Democratic Rep. Gabe Vasquez, who narrowly flipped the seat in 2022. The district, which spans a large portion of southern New Mexico, has long been considered competitive, with shifting political dynamics in recent cycles.

National Republicans appear to be zeroing in on that competitiveness, with leadership explicitly tying Cunningham’s candidacy to broader goals of maintaining and expanding their House majority.

“We are proud to endorse Greg Cunningham for New Mexico’s 2nd District, and look forward to working with him to defend and grow our House Republican majority and continue our American comeback,” the leadership team said.

The rapid succession of endorsements—from both Trump and House leadership—signals that the race is likely to draw significant attention, funding, and outside involvement as the election cycle progresses.

For Cunningham, the backing provides not only validation but also potential access to national fundraising networks and campaign infrastructure that could prove decisive in a competitive district.

For Democrats, the developments suggest that Vasquez may face a well-resourced challenge, with Republicans aiming to capitalize on what they see as vulnerabilities in the district.

The race is also likely to become increasingly nationalized, with messaging focused on issues such as border security, crime, and economic policy—topics highlighted in both Trump’s endorsement and the House leadership’s statement.

As the 2026 cycle begins to take shape, NM-2 is quickly moving from a regional contest to a nationally watched race, with both parties expected to invest heavily.

With unified Republican backing now in place, the stage is set for what could become one of the most closely watched—and consequential—congressional races in New Mexico.

GOP heavyweights line up behind Cunningham in CD-2 race Read More »

President Trump makes big endorsement in key New Mexico race

President Donald J. Trump has officially weighed in on New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District race, endorsing Republican candidate Greg Cunningham in what is shaping up to be a closely watched contest in southern New Mexico.

In a post on Truth Social, Trump praised Cunningham’s background and positioned him as a strong alternative to incumbent Democrat Rep. Gabe Vasquez, while delivering a sharp critique of Vasquez’s record.

“It is my Great Honor to endorse U.S. Marine Corps Veteran and former Albuquerque Police Detective, Greg Cunningham,” Trump wrote, adding that Cunningham is “running to represent the wonderful people of New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District.”

Trump contrasted Cunningham with Vasquez, describing the incumbent as a “Radical Left Democrat” and criticizing his positions on taxes, crime, and border security. The president also claimed Vasquez supports policies that would weaken enforcement and public safety, writing that Cunningham, by contrast, would “Defend our Country, Support our Brave Military, Veterans, and Law Enforcement and Ensure PEACE THROUGH STRENGTH.”

The endorsement underscores the national attention the NM-2 race is beginning to attract, as Republicans look to reclaim the seat. The district, which covers a large portion of southern New Mexico, has been a battleground in recent election cycles.

Cunningham quickly embraced the endorsement, posting on social media that he was “honored” to receive Trump’s backing and signaling confidence in the campaign ahead.

“So honored to receive President Donald Trump’s endorsement this afternoon,” Cunningham wrote. “With his support we’re going to fire Gabe Vasquez and take back #NM02!”

The endorsement could provide Cunningham with increased visibility and fundraising momentum as the race develops. Trump’s backing has historically played a significant role in Republican primaries and general elections, particularly in districts where conservative voter turnout is key.

At the same time, the endorsement is likely to further nationalize the race, drawing sharper contrasts between the candidates and their respective parties. Democrats have increasingly sought to tie Republican candidates to Trump’s agenda, while Republicans have leaned into his support as a sign of alignment with core conservative priorities.

Trump’s post also laid out a broader policy vision, emphasizing economic growth, tax cuts, energy independence, and border security as key campaign themes. He wrote that Cunningham would “work tirelessly to Grow the Economy, Cut Taxes and Regulations, Unleash American Energy DOMINANCE… Stop Migrant Crime, and Defend our always under siege Second Amendment.”

The NM-2 race is expected to be competitive, particularly given shifting political dynamics in the district in recent years. Vasquez narrowly won the seat in 2022, flipping it for Democrats after it had previously been held by Republican Rep. Yvette Herrell, the president’s deputy secretary of the Department of Agriculture. President Trump narrowly won the district in 2024, defeating Kamala Harris. 

With Trump now formally entering the race through his endorsement, the contest is likely to draw increased national attention—and resources—from both parties as they battle for control of a key congressional seat in New Mexico.

President Trump makes big endorsement in key New Mexico race Read More »

Haaland’s national money machine towers over gov’s race

The first full round of campaign finance reports in New Mexico’s 2026 race for governor does not show one contest moving along a single track. It shows five different campaigns running on five different financial theories, and once Deb Haaland’s filing is added to the pile, the contrast becomes even sharper. 

Haaland is building a nationalized donor machine. Sam Bregman is running through a more traditional high-dollar Democrat network. Doug Turner is drawing heavily from oil and gas and southeastern New Mexico wealth. Gregg Hull is operating on an almost entirely in-state, small-dollar footing. Duke Rodriguez, meanwhile, is mostly funding himself.

Haaland’s filing is the one that changes the scale of the race. She reported an opening balance of $2,825,923.76, another $4,178,245.49 in monetary contributions during the period, and $4,366,793.20 cash on hand after spending $2,637,376.05. Her report also lists one campaign account at Amalgamated Bank in Washington and another at Nusenda in Albuquerque. The report is so large that it runs 12,882 pages. That is not the footprint of a normal state-only campaign. It is the footprint of a candidate bringing a national Democrat fundraising base into a New Mexico gubernatorial race.

What stands out in Haaland’s report is not just the total, but the pattern. The donor list reads like a national email list brought to life, with page after page of $3, $5, $10, $15, $25, and $50 contributions from California, New York, Washington, Texas, Colorado, Massachusetts, Oregon, Illinois, Arizona, Pennsylvania, and virtually every other region of the country. 

On the first pages alone, donors come from Wisconsin, California, Texas, Maryland, Michigan, Massachusetts, Washington, South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Pennsylvania, Nevada, and New Mexico, often in modest amounts. Later chunks of the filing keep the same rhythm going, with repeated small-dollar giving from all over the country. 

After a page-by-page review of the itemized donor addresses, roughly $3.0 million of the contributions come from outside New Mexico, versus about $1.16 million from New Mexico addresses. 

But the broader point is unmistakable: most of the money powering Haaland’s report is not coming from New Mexico. It is coming from outside New Mexico, and California alone appears to be one of the biggest reservoirs of support, followed by New York, Washington, Texas, Arizona, Colorado, Massachusetts, Oregon, and Illinois.

That is what makes Haaland’s report politically important. It is not just a big filing. It is a nationalized filing. There are some larger checks mixed in, including PAC money at the front end of the report, but the real engine is volume, not a small circle of local maximum donors. 

One of the first entries is a $2,500 contribution from Ahora PAC in Albuquerque, followed immediately by the kind of national small-dollar stream that defines the rest of the report. Her campaign is not built mainly on a few New Mexico benefactors. It is built on the same kind of broad national donor culture that powers federal Democrat candidates.

Bregman’s filing tells a different story. His campaign is not small-dollar in the Haaland mold. It is more concentrated, more establishment-oriented, and more dependent on high-capacity donors. The itemized contributions in his report show roughly $1.2 million raised, with about $830,900 from New Mexico addresses and about $372,400 from out-of-state addresses, according to the Piñon Post’s overview. That means close to a third of the money in the itemized donor pool came from outside New Mexico. The outside money is not spread as thinly as Haaland’s. It is clustered more heavily in Texas and then smaller secondary pockets in Colorado, California, Louisiana, New York, Nevada, and Oklahoma. 

The large checks are where Bregman’s filing really separates itself. Among the notable contributors are Desert Ram Holdings of Midland, Texas, at $12,400, Hondo Resources of Lubbock at $12,400, and David Flynn of Santa Fe at $12,400. Bregman’s report reads like a donor-class campaign: lawyers, business interests, LLCs, and high-dollar networks, with meaningful out-of-state participation but nothing like Haaland’s mass-national small-dollar universe.

Turner’s report is easier to read and, in some ways, easier to define. He officially reported $502,798.10 raised and $439,592.15 cash on hand. The filing is packed with maximum and near-maximum checks, and it is full of names and entities tied to oil and gas, southeastern New Mexico, and the broader Permian Basin orbit. Ray Westall gave $12,400. Ben Spencer gave $12,400. Darnell Land & Cattle gave $12,400. Murphy Petroleum gave $12,400. Strata Production Company gave $12,400. The Committee to Elect John Sanchez gave $12,400. 

From the review of the itemized donor addresses, Turner kept the bulk of his money in-state, with about $445,600 from New Mexico addresses and roughly $54,600 from out-of-state donors. Most of that outside money came from Texas, with smaller pockets from Colorado, California, and New York. So while Haaland’s filing looks national and Bregman’s looks establishment-heavy, Turner’s looks sector-heavy. It is the filing of a Republican candidate whose real financial base is concentrated in New Mexico’s energy economy and the adjacent Texas donor world.

Hull’s report is, financially, the most homegrown of the bunch. He officially reported $144,786.26 in monetary contributions and $238,133.27 cash on hand after beginning the period with money already in the bank. My review of the itemized donations shows about $140,800 from New Mexico donors and only about $3,550 from out-of-state addresses, which means the campaign is overwhelmingly funded from inside New Mexico. 

Unlike Turner, Hull’s report is not dominated by a particular industry. Unlike Bregman, it is not dominated by a donor class. Unlike Haaland, it is not powered by a national online list. It reads like a local campaign passing the hat inside New Mexico. Even the in-kind side of the report looks local and practical. RoadRunner Redi-Mix provided $6,000 in in-kind support, while smaller supporters helped cover venues and event costs. Hull’s filing does not suggest a deep institutional machine. It suggests a campaign running on genuine local support, but at a much smaller scale than the front-runners.

Then there is Duke Rodriguez, whose report is the bluntest of all. He officially reported $501,249.00 in monetary contributions, but the defining line in the report is the $500,000 contribution from Duke Rodriguez himself. In practical terms, that means the campaign is almost entirely self-financed. 

My review of the itemized contributions shows only about $450 from out-of-state donors and roughly $500,799 tied to New Mexico addresses, almost all of it because the candidate’s own money sits inside the filing. The rest is just a handful of small checks. Rodriguez is not running on a broad donor network. He is running on his own balance sheet.

All of that leaves the race in a striking place. Haaland has the biggest money machine, but it is the least rooted in New Mexico and the most national in character. Bregman is the Democrat with the more classic high-dollar insider network. Turner has carved out the oil-and-gas lane and turned it into real money fast. Hull is running the most authentically local funding model, but on a far smaller scale. Rodriguez has money, but it is mostly his own.

That is the real story in these filings. This is not simply a contest over ideology or biography. It is a contest over what kind of financial coalition can plausibly carry a candidate to the Fourth Floor. Haaland is testing whether a national Democratic donor machine can dominate a state race. 

Bregman is testing whether a more traditional New Mexico establishment buildout can keep pace. Turner is betting that industry power and major in-state checks can consolidate the Republican side. Hull is trying to prove that a truly local grassroots campaign can still matter. Rodriguez is testing whether self-funding can substitute for organic support. And at least in this first round of reports, Haaland has not just entered the race. She has nationalized it.

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