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Disgraced ex-Dem majority leader finally headed to trial in huge corruption case

Nearly five years after federal agents raided the home of former New Mexico House Majority Leader Sheryl Williams Stapleton, the disgraced Albuquerque Democrat is finally set to face trial in one of the largest public corruption cases in recent New Mexico history.

Williams Stapleton, once one of the most powerful Democrats in the New Mexico Legislature, appeared in court Thursday after federal prosecutors added two more tax fraud charges to her already sprawling federal case. She now faces 37 federal charges, including conspiracy to defraud the United States, money laundering, mail fraud, bribery involving programs receiving federal funds, fraud, and false statements.

The federal trial is currently set for August 3.

The case centers on allegations that Williams Stapleton used her positions at Albuquerque Public Schools and in the New Mexico Legislature to funnel millions of dollars connected to APS career and technical education programs through a Washington, D.C.-based company called Robotics Management Learning Systems.

Investigators say Robotics was tied to Williams Stapleton’s co-defendant, Joseph Johnson. Prosecutors allege Williams Stapleton used Johnson’s company to divert federal grant money intended for educational programs and instead used the funds for personal and political benefit.

According to the new report, federal prosecutors say Williams Stapleton embezzled $1,152,506 in federal grant funds — roughly 35% of the money APS paid to Robotics — and used the money for items including a home remodel, her family’s restaurant, her consulting company, trips, shopping, and vehicles.

As she entered court Thursday, Williams Stapleton avoided eye contact with cameras. When KRQE asked, “What do you say to the people who believe you did something wrong?” her attorney, Ahmad Assed, responded, “We don’t have any comment at this time, thank you.”

Inside the courtroom, the once-powerful lawmaker reportedly sat quietly and showed little emotion as she waited for the judge. Across the aisle was Johnson, her co-defendant.

Both Williams Stapleton and Johnson pleaded not guilty to the additional charges. Prosecutors say both could face up to 20 years in prison if convicted.

The long delay in the case has frustrated New Mexicans who watched the scandal explode in 2021, when Williams Stapleton resigned from the Legislature in disgrace after search warrants were served at her home and APS office.

Before the federal indictment, Williams Stapleton had already been charged in state court in 2021. Her attorney said the existence of two separate cases helped slow the process.

“This is a unique case in that Ms. Williams is facing two trials and the timeline with respect to trying the federal case first is paramount, before a state case is ensued,” Assed said. “And so that dynamic aided a lot in terms of delay with respect to trying the case.”

But the allegations have never been simple.

Piñon Post reporting from 2021 exposed how Williams Stapleton’s alleged scheme appeared to involve a web of political connections, nonprofits, shell companies, education funds, and longtime Democrat power players stretching back decades.

Robotics Management Learning Systems was registered at a Washington, D.C., address connected to Johnson, who also operated National Corrections and Rehabilitation Corporation. Johnson was also listed as president of the Ujima Foundation, another entity tied to the alleged scheme.

The relationship between Johnson and Williams Stapleton was not new. Piñon Post previously reported that Johnson and Williams Stapleton both had roots in New Mexico State University and New Mexico political circles dating back to the late 1970s and 1980s. Johnson later became a figure in former Democrat Gov. Toney Anaya’s administration, eventually rising to secretary of Health and Environment after a scandal involving state health contracts.

Johnson was later charged in connection with bribery, fraud, conspiracy, kickbacks, and racketeering allegations from that era, though the charges were ultimately dismissed after a key witness recanted. He later returned to political work and became associated with Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition.

Williams Stapleton also had ties to the Rainbow Coalition. Piñon Post previously noted that she was listed as the New Mexico contact for the group and was active in the organization in the late 1980s.

Those old connections matter because prosecutors now allege the APS scheme relied on the same types of entities and political relationships that allowed millions in education funds to move with little scrutiny.

At the Legislature, Williams Stapleton was not a backbencher. She was the second-highest-ranking Democrat in the New Mexico House and served for decades while also working as an APS administrator. Critics have long argued that dual role gave her unusual influence over education policy, appropriations, and public-school spending.

Piñon Post previously reported that Williams Stapleton sponsored or supported legislation related to career and technical education — the same general area from which federal APS funds were allegedly diverted through Robotics. Prosecutors have alleged she used her legislative and APS positions to benefit herself financially.

The scandal also renewed scrutiny over APS itself.

Years before the federal indictment, KRQE investigative reporting found Williams Stapleton had been paid more than $100,000 by APS for work she allegedly did not perform while serving in the Legislature. Instead of being punished, APS leadership changed the rules to allow legislators employed by the district to continue being paid while serving in Santa Fe.

Now, years later, the criminal case is finally nearing trial.

For New Mexicans, the allegations are staggering: federal education money meant for students, a longtime Democrat lawmaker, a politically connected out-of-state company, alleged kickbacks, alleged money laundering, and more than $1.1 million prosecutors say was diverted for personal benefit.

Williams Stapleton and Johnson are presumed innocent unless proven guilty. But the case has already become a symbol of how political power, weak oversight, and public money can create a corruption nightmare.

The trial set for August could finally begin to answer the question New Mexicans have been asking since 2021:

How did this alleged scheme go on for so long — and who else knew?

Disgraced ex-Dem majority leader finally headed to trial in huge corruption case Read More »

Leger Fernández loses it again over SAVE America Act

Democrat U.S. Rep. Teresa Leger Fernández is once again attacking Republican-backed election integrity reforms, claiming the push to require proof of citizenship and voter identification is part of an effort to make it harder for Americans to vote.

In a series of social media videos, the far-left congresswoman from New Mexico’s Third Congressional District accused Republicans of shutting down Congress and holding the legislative process “hostage” over the SAVE America Act, a voter integrity proposal backed by President Donald Trump and House conservatives.

“Republicans just shut down Congress to make it harder for you to vote,” Leger Fernández wrote on X. “That’s how scared they are of your power.”

In the accompanying video, Leger Fernández stood outside in Washington, D.C., and claimed Republicans were not acting to “help the American people,” but instead trying “to take away your ability to register to vote.”

“Unless you’re rich, have a passport, willing to pay more money to get documents, because you know what, that photo ID you have, that won’t count under their proposal,” she said.

The claim fits a familiar Democrat talking point: requiring proof of citizenship or voter ID is somehow voter suppression, even though citizenship is already a basic requirement to vote in federal elections.

The SAVE America Act would amend the National Voter Registration Act to require documentary proof of U.S. citizenship to register to vote in federal elections. The legislation lists multiple forms of acceptable proof, including a valid U.S. passport, certain REAL ID documents that indicate citizenship, military ID paired with a service record showing U.S. birthplace, a government-issued photo ID showing U.S. birthplace, or a government-issued photo ID paired with documents such as a birth certificate, naturalization certificate, certificate of citizenship, consular report of birth abroad, or certain other documents.

That is far different from the simplified Democrat attack that voters would essentially need a passport to participate.

Leger Fernández also attacked the bill over mail-in voting.

“And they want to make sure we don’t have mail-in voting,” she said. “I tell you, mail-in voting makes it easier for rural people to vote, for military to vote, for people who might have kids at home and can’t take time out of their work to go vote.”

She added, “So that’s what they’re trying to do, is to make it harder for you to vote.”

The White House’s SAVE America Act page frames the proposal very differently, saying “American citizens — and only American citizens — should decide American elections.” It describes the proposal as requiring valid ID before registering to vote in a federal election, proof of citizenship, and restrictions on mail-in ballots except for illness, disability, military service, or travel.

In another video posted one day earlier, Leger Fernández claimed Congress was being “held hostage by the most extreme members of the Republican Party.”

Note: Over 80 percent of Americans support the provisions of the SAVE America Act.

Despite that, she accused Republicans of demanding that a “voter suppression bill” be attached to “everything we pass.”

“No, we are not going to suppress our elections,” she said. “We are not going to require that you have a passport to be able to vote.”

She then added, “We’re going to say no to that.”

Leger Fernández also said Congress should return to other business, including the National Defense Authorization Act, while making clear she opposes the proposed level of defense spending.

“Listen, I’m against spending $1.4 trillion on defense, but we should be able to have a debate about that,” she said.

Her comments came as a group of House Republicans pushed to force action on the SAVE America Act. The fight disrupted the House schedule and helped send lawmakers home early for the July 4 recess.

But for most Americans, the issue is simple: requiring proof that a voter is a U.S. citizen should not be controversial.

For Democrats like Leger Fernández, however, the proposal has become another opportunity to portray basic election safeguards as an attack on voters. Her argument effectively assumes many New Mexicans are unable to manage basic documentation requirements — an argument critics say is insulting to the very voters Democrats claim to defend.

Leger Fernández has made similar claims before. In February, after the House passed the SAVE America Act, her office released a statement calling the bill “voter suppression, plain and simple.” She claimed it would make it “harder and more expensive” for citizens, “especially women, Native Americans, service members, and rural voters,” to register and vote.

That framing turns a proof-of-citizenship requirement into an accusation that Republicans are targeting vulnerable groups. But the actual policy question is far narrower: should people registering to vote in federal elections be required to prove they are U.S. citizens?

Republicans say yes.

Leger Fernández says that is voter suppression.

The clash comes as President Trump and the White House continue urging Congress to pass the SAVE America Act. Trump has described the issue as a national emergency and has used other legislative priorities to pressure Congress into acting.

The result has been predictable: Republicans are pushing election integrity, while Democrats are warning of voter suppression, racism, hardship, and disenfranchisement.

But to many New Mexicans, the Democrat meltdown may sound increasingly detached from common sense. Showing ID is required to board a plane, buy alcohol, enter many government buildings, cash a check, or pick up certain prescriptions.

Yet when Republicans propose requiring proof of citizenship to register to vote, Leger Fernández insists the sky is falling.

Her message is clear: asking voters to prove eligibility is too much.

But why are Democrats so terrified of basic election security?

Leger Fernández loses it again over SAVE America Act Read More »

NM Dems’ fundraising panic spills into inboxes

New Mexico’s three far-left Democrat members of the U.S. House closed out the latest fundraising quarter with a flood of urgent, panicky emails begging supporters for cash before the midnight Federal Election Commission deadline.

Reps. Gabe Vasquez, Melanie Stansbury, and Teresa Leger Fernández all sent last-minute fundraising appeals on June 30, warning supporters that the deadline was only hours away and urging them to rush money through ActBlue.

The emails varied in style, but the message was the same: send cash now.

Vasquez, who represents New Mexico’s Second Congressional District, appeared especially anxious, sending multiple deadline-day appeals. In one email with the subject line “A quick thought before my morning run,” Vasquez tried to turn a morning jog into a campaign metaphor.

“Just wanted to touch base before I lace up my shoes for my morning run,” the email began.

“Progress is a lot like running a marathon — it’s not about speed, but endurance, consistency, and pacing yourself, especially when the road gets tough,” the message continued.

The email then quickly moved from the running metaphor to the real point: money.

“Here in NM-02, we’re in a real race against time,” Vasquez’s campaign wrote. “National Republicans are pouring money into this race, trying to slow us down and tilt this seat in their favor.”

The campaign said its FEC report would send “a powerful message” and claimed it needed to hit a $100,000 deadline.

“That’s why hitting our $100,000 FEC deadline is so important — it’s how we prove we’re ready to sprint through the final stretch,” the email said.

Before “hitting the pavement,” Vasquez asked supporters to donate $10 to help his campaign “cross tonight’s finish line.”

But Vasquez was not done.

Later that evening, his campaign sent another email with the ominous subject line “The signal we send at midnight.”

“Our first major FEC deadline of the general election is tonight at midnight,” the email warned.

“This is our moment to show the strength of this movement,” Vasquez wrote, claiming the report would prove he had the grassroots support to win “one of the most competitive House races in the country.”

Then came the admission: “But here’s the honest truth: we’re still behind on our $100,000 goal.”

The email also singled out Republican Greg Cunningham and his supporters, claiming, “Greg Cunningham and his Republican backers already have millions locked in for attack ads. They think their money can drown us out. They believe they can buy this seat.”

Vasquez’s campaign warned that if the FEC report was weak, the campaign could lose momentum.

“If it’s weak, we risk losing momentum and watching crucial support drift away,” the email said.

Meanwhile, Stansbury, who represents New Mexico’s First Congressional District, sent her own late-night appeal with the subject line “Hey, where’d you go?”

“I’m reaching out personally because there are just a few hours left until our midnight deadline,” Stansbury wrote.

“This is the most important deadline yet,” she added. “If you’ve been waiting to give, now is the time.”

Stansbury’s campaign claimed it was just short of a donor target.

“My campaign manager Brandon tells me that we only need around 70 more donors,” the email said. “Can I count on you?”

The message included a direct button asking recipients to “BE ONE OF THE 70.”

Leger Fernández, who represents New Mexico’s Third Congressional District, took a more casual route, sending an email from “Teresa Leger Fernandez (phone)” with the subject line “por favor.”

“Hola, [NAME], it’s Teresa,” the email began. “I’ll be quick, but I need 30 seconds!”

Leger Fernández said her campaign was “just a few hours away” from its end-of-quarter FEC deadline and asked supporters to give before midnight.

“I know you’re getting a lot of asks right now,” she wrote. “I know there are a lot of races and a lot of campaigns competing for your attention. I don’t expect you to chip in every time I reach out — really, I don’t.”

But after acknowledging donor fatigue, she asked anyway.

“In critical moments like these, I can’t afford not to ask for your support,” the email said.

Leger Fernández then asked supporters to “chip in $5 or $10” to help her campaign “defend this seat, and flip the House in November.”

Together, the emails offer a revealing look at New Mexico Democrats’ fundraising machine as the general election season begins. All three House Democrats framed their campaigns as urgent national fights, leaned on deadline pressure, and pushed supporters to give through ActBlue in the final hours before reports were due.

For Vasquez, the panic is especially notable. His district is widely considered New Mexico’s most competitive congressional seat, and his own campaign repeatedly emphasized the stakes. His emails warned about Republicans, attack ads, momentum, donors, strategists, reporters, and the message his FEC report would send.

Stansbury and Leger Fernández represent safer Democrat territory, but their emails still carried the same end-of-quarter desperation — a scramble for more donors, more money, and more proof of political strength.

The broader message is clear: New Mexico’s far-left Democrat delegation may publicly project confidence, but behind the scenes, their campaigns are still sending frantic, last-minute pleas for cash.

And as the clock ticked toward midnight, all three had the same closing argument for supporters: give now.

NM Dems’ fundraising panic spills into inboxes Read More »

MLG blames Trump, then asks for oil cash rebates

Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham is calling on lawmakers to send New Mexicans at least $250 in energy relief checks after a spike in oil prices created what she described as an $825 million windfall for the state’s trust funds.

In a new opinion column, Lujan Grisham argued that New Mexico’s latest oil-driven revenue surge should be returned, at least in part, to taxpayers who are paying more at the pump.

“It’s no secret that New Mexico’s finances rise and fall with oil prices — and right now, prices are high,” Lujan Grisham wrote. “That’s good news for state coffers, and it should be good news for New Mexicans, too.”

The column is notable because it openly acknowledges what conservatives have said for years: New Mexico’s budget depends heavily on oil and gas revenues, even as Democrats routinely attack the industry, push aggressive “clean energy” policies, and rail against fossil fuels.

Lujan Grisham placed blame for rising gas prices squarely on President Donald Trump, writing that crude oil prices “surpassed $100 per barrel this spring, up from $58 before President Trump’s reckless war in Iran.”

According to the governor, economists project that the price spike will add an extra $825 million to New Mexico’s trust funds. But she argued that the same surge is hurting working families.

“But the same price surge padding the state’s bank accounts is draining New Mexicans’ wallets at the pump,” she wrote. “Since the start of the war, New Mexicans have paid as much as $1.30 more for a gallon of gasoline, and that adds up fast.”

Lujan Grisham cited a constituent, Urban Trujillo of Bloomfield, who wrote to her office about high gas prices in San Juan County.

“We can blame all kinds of things, but that doesn’t change having to choose between food or fuel,” Trujillo wrote, according to the governor. “If you decide on food, you still can’t get it because you can’t get to it.”

The governor used that example to argue that rising fuel prices are hitting families across the state, from commuters in Gallup to grocery shoppers in Las Cruces to families in Albuquerque reconsidering summer trips to Carlsbad Caverns.

“It is the summer trip to Carlsbad Caverns an Albuquerque family can no longer afford,” she wrote.

Lujan Grisham also claimed households nationwide have shouldered an estimated $450 in additional fuel costs since the conflict began, calling that money “foregone groceries, stalled medical care and spent savings.”

The governor argued that New Mexico is in a unique position because the state benefits financially from rising oil prices while families suffer from higher fuel costs.

“New Mexico is one of the only states in the nation where rising gas prices are simultaneously creating a state budget windfall and a kitchen-table crisis,” Lujan Grisham wrote. “Our severance taxes and oil royalties capture the upside; our families absorb the downside.”

Her proposed answer is a rebate.

“When the state’s good fortune comes at a direct cost to the people who live here, the appropriate response is to share what we’ve collected,” she wrote. “That is why I am asking the Legislature to consider giving some of it back as an energy relief rebate of at least $250 for every taxpaying New Mexican.”

“We can afford it,” she added. “Moreover, it’s just plain good sense to reinvest in the hard-working New Mexicans who fuel this state’s economy.”

The proposal may appeal to New Mexicans frustrated by higher prices, but it also exposes an uncomfortable contradiction for Santa Fe Democrats. The same oil and gas industry often treated as a political punching bag by the left is now being credited by the governor as the source of a massive state windfall.

New Mexico Democrats frequently campaign on “climate change” rhetoric, “green” energy promises, and attacks on fossil fuels. Yet when oil prices rise, state government benefits enormously through severance taxes and royalties.

Now Lujan Grisham wants to use that oil money to soften the impact of high fuel prices — while blaming Trump for the pain families are feeling — despite the terrible economic policies foisted upon New Mexicans by far-left Democrats that are the true driver of costs for families.

“New Mexicans didn’t choose this war or its consequences,” she wrote. “But they’ve borne the cost of this conflict in every gallon of gas they’ve pumped. Now we have an opportunity to give back.”

She closed by urging state lawmakers to return part of the windfall directly to residents.

“New Mexico’s oil revenue windfall belongs to New Mexicans,” Lujan Grisham wrote, “and I urge state lawmakers to return at least part of it directly to them.”

The Legislature would have to act for any rebate to move forward, and if she wants it while she’s governor, she would have to call a special session. But the governor’s column already makes one thing clear: when Santa Fe needs money, oil and gas are indispensable.

And when prices spike, even New Mexico Democrats suddenly remember that energy policy has real consequences for working families.

MLG blames Trump, then asks for oil cash rebates Read More »

‘Zorro Smiles’: Epstein’s NM ranch raises chilling new questions

A new report from The Santa Fe New Mexican is raising disturbing new questions about what was happening inside Jeffrey Epstein’s Zorro Ranch in southern Santa Fe County — including why the convicted sex offender appeared to be planning a private dental operation at the remote New Mexico property.

According to The New Mexican, one email released by the U.S. Department of Justice shows Epstein writing to his girlfriend and assistant, Karyna Shuliak, in 2016 with a strange request.

“Please get oxygen for dental office. new york and new mexico,” Epstein wrote.

The report also says Epstein instructed Shuliak to travel with anesthetic.

That detail alone is alarming. But the New Mexico connection goes much deeper.

Shuliak, who graduated from dental school in 2015, applied for dental licenses in New Mexico and the U.S. Virgin Islands — both places where Epstein owned major properties. In her New Mexico application, obtained by The New Mexican through a public records request, Shuliak listed Epstein’s Zorro Ranch address, 49 Zorro Ranch Road, as the proposed location for her dental practice.

The proposed name of the practice was even more chilling: “Zorro Smiles.”

There is no evidence that “Zorro Smiles” was formally established as a dental practice in Santa Fe County, according to the report. But emails released by the Justice Department suggest dental equipment may have been present at the ranch. Later in 2015, Epstein instructed the ranch manager to unplug a “dental chair pump.”

That raises obvious questions: Why did Epstein want a private dental setup at Zorro Ranch? Who was supposed to be treated there? Why would oxygen and anesthetic be needed? And what, if anything, did New Mexico regulators know?

Shuliak was licensed as a dentist in New Mexico from August 2015 until around 2021, according to records cited by The New Mexican. She was also licensed in the U.S. Virgin Islands and Florida in late 2015.

Her New Mexico license was approved with a brief one-line email.

“Grant K Sulika a General Dentistry license for the state of NM,” then-board Chair Dr. Burrell Tucker wrote on Aug. 12, 2015, misspelling Shuliak’s name.

The New Mexico Regulation and Licensing Department said it has no record of complaints against Shuliak.

But the location of the proposed practice is the key issue. Zorro Ranch was not a normal office building or dental clinic. It was Epstein’s sprawling, secluded New Mexico estate — a property long tied to allegations of abuse and trafficking.

The New Mexican reported that Santa Fe County found no application for a dental business license and no reference to a dental practice at the property in development or business license records. A spokesperson for the Secretary of State’s Office also confirmed there is no record of “Zorro Smiles” ever being registered as a company.

Andrea Brown, a spokesperson for the Regulation and Licensing Department, told The New Mexican the state dental board does not oversee practice locations.

“The statute does not include a provision to regulate the establishment of a practice location,” Brown said.

Santa Fe County spokesperson Shawna Graves said county rules would apply if Epstein was trying to operate a dental practice at the property, even if only one room was used. That could have required approval materials, including a home occupation license.

No such records were found.

The revelations come as New Mexico’s state House sub-committee “truth commission” continues investigating Epstein’s activities at Zorro Ranch. The commission recently published a subpoena to the Regulation and Licensing Department seeking records related to oversight of medical, dental, and ambulance services at the ranch.

That is exactly the question New Mexicans deserve answered.

Epstein owned Zorro Ranch from 1993 until his death in a New York jail in 2019 while awaiting trial on federal sex-trafficking charges. Unlike several of Epstein’s other properties, Zorro Ranch was not searched by law enforcement in the aftermath of his arrest.

Shuliak was reportedly listed as the primary beneficiary of Epstein’s trust and was his last call from jail before his death. Epstein planned to give her $100 million and his homes, including Zorro Ranch, according to the report.

The dental questions are not the only medical-related concerns now surfacing.

Justice Department emails show Epstein also pursued private ambulance services for his properties. In June 2015, Shuliak wrote about obtaining two “fully equipped” ambulances for the island and the ranch. An invoice in the Justice Department files shows Epstein paid $50,684 for an ambulance in early 2016, including a medical cot, defibrillator, and a 100-pound oxygen tank.

“Ambulance will read Zorro Ambulance on all 3 sides,” Epstein’s accountant wrote while finalizing the purchase.

Taken together, the details paint a deeply troubling picture: a proposed dental practice called “Zorro Smiles,” a licensed dentist tied to Epstein, references to oxygen and anesthetic, a dental chair pump, a private ambulance, and allegations of people waking up around medical equipment.

None of this proves exactly what occurred inside the ranch. But it makes the need for answers more urgent.

For decades, Epstein operated in New Mexico with access to wealth, secrecy, land, and powerful networks. Now, years after his death, New Mexicans are still learning basic facts about what may have been happening at Zorro Ranch — and what state or local agencies may have missed.

The truth commission should follow this trail aggressively. If Epstein was assembling private medical or dental infrastructure at his New Mexico ranch, the public deserves to know why, who knew, who approved anything, and whether state oversight failed.

The name “Zorro Smiles” may sound absurd.

The questions behind it are anything but.

‘Zorro Smiles’: Epstein’s NM ranch raises chilling new questions Read More »

Haaland endorses Garcia Richard after Toulouse Oliver exit

Deb Haaland is backing fellow far-leftist, Land Commissioner Stephanie Garcia Richard, for lieutenant governor, ending days of jockeying among New Mexico Democrats after Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver abruptly suspended her campaign just weeks after winning the Democratic primary.

The endorsement is a major boost for Garcia Richard, who had previously launched her own lieutenant governor campaign before withdrawing from the race earlier this year. Now, after Toulouse Oliver’s exit, Garcia Richard is back in the hunt — this time with Haaland’s blessing.

In a statement dated June 26, Haaland told Democrat State Central Committee members that she had decided to endorse Garcia Richard following what she described as a thorough process.

“I thank each person who put their name forward and who participated in this endorsement process of the Democratic nominee for Lieutenant Governor,” Haaland wrote. “Each candidate I spoke with has a deep love and commitment to moving New Mexico forward. This was a difficult decision to make and I’m grateful for your patience and respect.”

Haaland then made her pick clear.

“I am proud to endorse Land Commissioner Stephanie Garcia Richard,” Haaland wrote. “I’ve made the decision based on a thorough process and who I believe will be the best running mate and leader to lower costs, increase access to healthcare, build safe communities, and improve our schools.”

Haaland added that Garcia Richard “brings the energy, compassion, leadership, and proven ability to bring people together” that she believes will strengthen the Democrat campaign.

“I respect the role the SCC plays in this selection and I hope I can count on the support of Committee members for Stephanie,” Haaland wrote.

The statement also made clear that Haaland plans to frame the general election around President Donald Trump.

“The stakes of this race couldn’t be higher because of who is in the White House,” Haaland wrote. “New Mexico needs leadership that can deliver, but we can’t deliver on our promises unless we win in November.”

The endorsement comes after a messy and unusual chain of events for New Mexico Democrats.

Toulouse Oliver had won the Democrat primary for lieutenant governor in a landslide, defeating state Sen. Harold Pope Jr. with 80.9% of the vote to Pope’s 19.1%, according to Ballotpedia. But weeks later, Toulouse Oliver announced she was suspending her campaign, citing health and family reasons.

That left Democrats scrambling to fill the lieutenant governor slot alongside Haaland, who is running for governor after defeating Bernalillo County District Attorney Sam Bregman in the Democrat primary.

Garcia Richard’s return is notable because she had already been in the race once before. According to NM Political Report, she withdrew earlier in the cycle to focus on her husband’s health after Toulouse Oliver entered the race. The same outlet described Garcia Richard as an “instant front runner” if she decided to seek the replacement slot, noting that she has been elected statewide twice and remains popular with the Democrat base.

Other Democrats tried to seize the opening — or at least publicly floated interest — but Haaland’s endorsement appears to leave them on the outside looking in.

Pope, who had just been crushed by Toulouse Oliver in the primary, confirmed after her withdrawal that he was interested in being selected anyway. State Sen. Leo Jaramillo of Española also expressed interest, with NM Political Report reporting that he said, “There is interest.”

Source NM later reported that Haaland’s short list included Garcia Richard, Pope, Jaramillo, Antonia Roybal-Mack, and Sonya Smith, a former Department of Veterans Services cabinet secretary. Roybal-Mack, an attorney representing Hermits Peak-Calf Canyon Fire victims, told Source NM she had interviewed with Haaland’s team and called herself “the unknown candidate.”

“I think I’m definitely the unknown candidate. I’m not the party insider,” Roybal-Mack said. “But I think one of the things I told [Haaland’s team], and I say openly, is I fight for things I love, and I would fight for New Mexico.”

Earlier speculation also included Los Ranchos Mayor Lawrence Rael, former State Auditor Brian Colón, and former House Speaker Brian Egolf. Rael told NM Political Report, “Am I interested? Absolutely.”

But after all the names, interviews, and internal maneuvering, Haaland is now publicly urging State Central Committee members to unite behind Garcia Richard.

That does not technically settle the matter. The Democrat Party of New Mexico’s State Central Committee is expected to choose the replacement nominee. Source NM reported that the vote to replace Toulouse Oliver is scheduled for July 25.

Still, Haaland’s endorsement likely carries heavy weight with party insiders. NM Political Report previously noted that while the gubernatorial nominee technically does not get to choose the running mate, a Haaland endorsement would likely make that person the favorite among SCC voters.

For Republicans, the scramble may be easy to frame: Democrats held a primary, saw their nominee drop out, watched rejected candidates jockey for the replacement slot, and now appear poised to install Garcia Richard through a party-insider process.

Republicans already have their ticket set. Former Rio Rancho Mayor Gregg Hull is running for governor, while former state Sen. David Gallegos won the Republican nomination for lieutenant governor.

Democrats, meanwhile, are trying to repair the ticket after Toulouse Oliver’s sudden exit. Haaland’s endorsement of Garcia Richard is designed to end the uncertainty.

But the episode still underscores how quickly the Democrat lieutenant governor race turned from a statewide primary into an insider scramble — and how several hopefuls who jumped at the opening appear to have failed to win Haaland’s support.

Haaland endorses Garcia Richard after Toulouse Oliver exit Read More »

Country star’s NM hotel-trashing case dropped after restitution

Criminal charges against country music singer Bailey Zimmerman have been dropped after the performer made full restitution in a New Mexico case tied to more than $16,000 in damage at Sandia Resort & Casino in Albuquerque.

Zimmerman, 26, had faced a fourth-degree felony charge for criminal damage to property and a misdemeanor charge for falsely obtaining services after authorities alleged he damaged a hotel room at the resort in late May, the same night he canceled a scheduled performance at the venue.

According to KRQE, the Bernalillo County District Attorney’s Office confirmed the case was dismissed because “full restitution was made.”

Zimmerman’s attorney said the matter had been resolved after the singer accepted responsibility.

“Charges were dropped after Bailey took immediate responsibility for his mistake. We are grateful to the Pueblo of Sandia and the District Attorney’s Office for this just and swift resolution,” the attorney said in a statement.

The case drew national attention after court documents described an alleged chaotic night at the Sandia Resort & Casino, where Zimmerman had been scheduled to perform before the show was canceled.

Reports citing the affidavit said Zimmerman appeared intoxicated during sound check, behaved erratically, and caused disruption before the concert was ultimately called off. He later told fans he was ill and unable to perform.

The alleged damage discovered by hotel staff the next morning was not minor. Reports citing the affidavit said the room included damage to a television, phone, coffee table, and chairs. Staff also reported a hole in the wall, stains on the carpet, and two missing chairs. The total damage was estimated at more than $16,000.

The affidavit also alleged Zimmerman charged more than $400 worth of alcohol to the room and did not pay the bill before leaving the property.

Zimmerman later apologized publicly to the Pueblo of Sandia, Sandia Resort & Casino, and fans who had expected to see him perform.

“First things first, I want to apologize to the Pueblo of Sandia and to everyone at Sandia Resort & Casino,” Zimmerman said. “I never meant for any of this to come across as disrespectful. I am deeply sorry for my actions that transpired.”

“I respect your community and the hospitality and appreciate the opportunity that was given to me to perform on Native Land,” he continued. “I take full accountability for everything that happened and I am sorry to anyone who feels hurt or disrespected.”

The apology also addressed fans who bought tickets to the canceled Albuquerque show.

“To my fans who bought tickets and showed up expecting a performance, I am so sorry, you deserved better from me,” Zimmerman said. “I understand that being a musician comes with big responsibilities, both on and off stage, and I know that I fell short that day.”

He added, “I am reflecting on the disappointment and concern that I caused.”

Zimmerman also said he was taking the situation seriously and planned to learn from it.

“I am taking this legal matter seriously. I am committed to doing the work necessary to learn and grow,” he said. “Thank you to my fans for holding me accountable and for understanding that I am human. I do not take your support for granted.”

The dropped charges bring the criminal side of the case to an end, but the incident remains a black eye for the country star, whose Albuquerque stop ended not with a concert, but with a canceled show, a damaged hotel room, and a legal case that was only resolved after restitution was paid.

For New Mexico, the incident also put unwanted national attention on Sandia Resort & Casino and the Pueblo of Sandia, which Zimmerman specifically apologized to after the allegations became public.

Zimmerman is known for hits including “Rock and a Hard Place,” “Fall in Love,” “Religiously,” and “Where It Ends.” He has built a major following in country music in recent years, making the New Mexico incident especially notable.

The resolution means Zimmerman will not face the felony and misdemeanor charges that had been filed in Bernalillo County. Still, the case offers a reminder that celebrity status does not erase accountability when a performer’s conduct affects local venues, staff, and fans.

Country star’s NM hotel-trashing case dropped after restitution Read More »

NM Dems lose their minds after Trump gives ultimatum on ‘SAVE America Act’

New Mexico Democrats melted down this week after President Donald Trump abruptly canceled a planned signing ceremony for a bipartisan housing bill, saying he would not move forward until Congress passes the SAVE America Act, a sweeping election-integrity measure backed by the White House and popular with around 80 percent of Americans.

The White House posted a clear message Wednesday: “PASS THE SAVE AMERICA ACT.”

The post included a graphic featuring Trump at a podium and a highlighted message from the president stating, “Today’s Housing News Conference and Signing is hereby cancelled until such time as we pass the desperately needed SAVE AMERICA ACT, which I consider to be a National Emergency.”

The move immediately set off Democrats nationally and in New Mexico, who accused Trump of holding up a bipartisan housing bill in order to pressure Congress on election reforms.

The legislation at the center of the fight is the 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act, a bipartisan housing package aimed at increasing housing supply, lowering costs, restricting large investor purchases of single-family homes, and expanding access to housing assistance and financing tools.

But Trump’s ultimatum shifted the conversation from housing to elections — and Democrats erupted.

U.S. Sen. Martin Heinrich released a statement accusing Trump of choosing election reform over housing affordability.

“Let’s be clear about what’s happening: President Trump is choosing to prioritize attacking Americans’ right to vote over ensuring families can afford housing,” Heinrich said.

“Right now, New Mexicans are being priced out of a place to live,” he continued. “A bipartisan group of legislators came together to fix it – to make housing more affordable and put home ownership within reach for more folks. We passed the bill and did our part, now the president needs to do his: sign this legislation into law NOW.”

Heinrich’s office pointed to New Mexico’s worsening housing costs, saying the median sale price of homes in the state increased from $216,500 in 2019 to $345,000 in 2024. His office also said New Mexico’s housing inventory has fallen to half of its 2018 level, while rents have increased from $844 in 2019 to $1,021 in 2023.

The statement also claimed New Mexico is short roughly 40,000 affordable rental housing units.

Heinrich blamed the housing crisis in part on “Wall Street landlords artificially decreasing the housing supply and driving up home prices and rents,” as well as Trump’s “broad, cost raising tariffs on critical homebuilding materials.”

Other New Mexico Democrats quickly joined the pile-on.

U.S. Rep. Teresa Leger Fernández wrote on X, “Trump is now refusing to sign a bipartisan bill that would increase housing supply and prevent private equity from buying up residential homes. Americans are struggling. We need to pass this bill. He doesn’t care.”

U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez also weighed in, writing, “Today the only thing standing between Americans and a bipartisan bill to make housing more affordable is the President.”

U.S. Sen. Ben Ray Luján posted that Congress had passed “the largest housing bill in decades to lower costs and expand homeownership.”

“Donald Trump called it ‘minor importance,’” Luján wrote. “There’s nothing minor about families struggling to afford rent, save for a down payment, or buy their first home. Senate Democrats delivered a bipartisan, landmark housing bill. Donald Trump couldn’t even be bothered to show up.”

Luján also reposted a sharply worded attack from U.S. Sen. Tina Smith of Minnesota, who wrote that Trump’s move “says a lot about someone’s politics when you’re willing to block a massive bipartisan legislative win in service of a Hail Mary attempt to save your own fragile ego from electoral humiliation.”

Rep. Melanie Stansbury, meanwhile, called the episode “bizarre,” writing that Trump was supposed to sign the housing bill but “didn’t and is a no show—because he says he’s mad at the Senate.”

The reaction underscored how aggressively Democrats are trying to frame the fight as Trump blocking housing relief. But Trump and the White House are framing the issue differently: as a fight over election security.

The SAVE America Act, promoted by the White House, would amend federal voter-registration law to require documentary proof of U.S. citizenship to register to vote in federal elections. The White House’s SAVE Act page says, “American citizens — and only American citizens — should decide American elections.”

The White House describes the proposal as requiring “a Valid ID Before Registering to Vote in a Federal Election,” “Proof of Citizenship,” and limits on mail-in ballots except for illness, disability, military service, or travel.

Democrats, however, are portraying the legislation as a threat to voting access. In a post amplified by Luján, liberal commentator Kyle Griffin claimed the SAVE Act is “designed to help rig elections.”

That is the fight Trump appears to want.

Earlier this month, the White House itself praised the 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act, calling on Congress to pass it and describing it as “the most comprehensive and consequential housing legislation in the history of our country.” But Trump is now using the bill signing as leverage to demand action on election integrity.

For New Mexico Democrats, the moment offered a chance to accuse Trump of indifference toward families struggling with housing costs. For Trump, it created a national pressure point on a signature issue: requiring proof of citizenship in elections.

The political clash now leaves Democrats fuming, Republicans defending Trump’s demand for election safeguards, and the housing bill caught in the middle.

Whether the standoff lasts or is resolved quickly, the message from Trump was unmistakable: no SAVE America Act, no housing bill signing.

And New Mexico Democrats are furious.

NM Dems lose their minds after Trump gives ultimatum on ‘SAVE America Act’ Read More »

NM’s AI data center project grabs national attention

A new national report is putting fresh attention on one of New Mexico’s biggest proposed economic-development projects: Project Jupiter, a massive Oracle and OpenAI data center planned for Doña Ana County that could bring historic private investment, new infrastructure, and long-term revenue to southern New Mexico.

The Fortune report focuses on the planned artificial intelligence data center near the Mexican border, a project expected to span roughly 1,400 acres, generate 2.5 gigawatts of electricity, and draw as much as $165 billion in investment if developers meet their targets.

If completed at that scale, Project Jupiter would be one of the largest data centers in the country and one of the most consequential private-sector investments in New Mexico history.

For a region that has long needed major job creation, infrastructure upgrades, and broader economic opportunity, the project has obvious upside. According to Fortune, Project Jupiter has pledged $360 million for schools and local infrastructure, $50 million toward upgrading the county’s deteriorating water utility, and $12 million annually to the county budget.

Those are significant commitments for Doña Ana County, where many families continue to face poverty, limited opportunity, and infrastructure challenges. Supporters see the project as the kind of investment southern New Mexico has too often missed out on — one that could help position the region for the next generation of technology and economic growth.

At the same time, the size of the project is naturally drawing questions about sustainability, water use, electricity demand, and long-term planning.

Fortune noted that New Mexico has been dealing with dry conditions and water concerns, including stress on forests, rivers, and aquifers. The report cited New Mexico Forestry Division data showing 209,000 acres of trees killed by bark beetles and other insects in 2025, more than a 200% increase from the previous year.

“At the beginning of January 2025, 35% of the state was in moderate drought and 20% in severe drought,” the Forestry Division report stated, according to Fortune. “By the end of December 2025, 71% of the state was in moderate drought and 52% was in severe drought.”

That context helps explain why a project as large as Project Jupiter is receiving national attention. Data centers require major infrastructure planning, particularly when it comes to power and cooling. But Fortune also reported that developers have taken steps to reduce the project’s water footprint.

Earlier reporting suggested the data center could require close to a million gallons of water per day. Oracle later said it would shift away from more water-intensive natural gas turbines and instead use fuel cells. The company now says the data center and fuel cell system together will use about 11 million gallons of non-potable water in closed-loop, recycled systems.

Oracle executive Mahesh Thiagarajan said the updated energy approach reflects the company’s effort to balance innovation with community priorities.

“We are excited to move forward with this updated energy solution, which reflects our commitment to both the latest innovation and community priorities as we advance the next generation of AI infrastructure,” Thiagarajan said, according to Fortune.

He added that the “fuel cell technology enables us to deliver highly reliable on-site power with a lower environmental footprint—supporting the project’s performance needs while contributing to stronger environmental outcomes.”

Project developers also purchased existing water rights from a sod farm west of Sunland Park for 2,400 acre-feet per year. State officials have argued that this means the project is not creating a new water right, but changing how an existing one is used.

New Mexico State Engineer Elizabeth Anderson told NPR, according to Fortune, “What’s happening with Project Jupiter is they’re just taking a water right that exists and using it for something else.”

“It’s not gonna be taking water away from farmers,” Anderson said.

That distinction matters. It suggests the project is not simply adding a brand-new draw on the system, but converting an existing water use to a different economic purpose. Supporters may argue that this is precisely the kind of higher-value use New Mexico should consider when trying to diversify its economy.

Still, questions remain fair. New Mexico’s own 50-Year Water Action Plan projects the state could have 25% less water available in rivers and aquifers within 50 years and could face a shortage of 750,000 acre-feet without sustained action. Fortune also cited concerns from the New Mexico Groundwater Alliance about declining groundwater levels and future supply challenges.

None of that means Project Jupiter should be opposed. In fact, the project could become a major win for southern New Mexico if it delivers on its promises: jobs, infrastructure, school funding, utility upgrades, county revenue, and a role in the fast-growing artificial intelligence economy.

New Mexico needs more private investment, especially in communities that have been overlooked for too long. Doña Ana County deserves a serious shot at economic growth, and Project Jupiter could help deliver it.

Fortune’s report shows that southern New Mexico is now part of a much larger national conversation about artificial intelligence, infrastructure, water planning, and the future of economic development.

The question is not whether New Mexico should grow. It should.

The question is whether the state can welcome major investment while also ensuring local communities get transparency, long-term protections, and the full benefits they were promised.

Project Jupiter may become one of the most important economic projects New Mexico has ever seen. If it does, New Mexicans deserve to know it is being done right.

NM’s AI data center project grabs national attention Read More »

Records: Contrary to U.S. law, Vasquez took campaign cash from uncle in Mexico

*Note: all facts, links, and web pages to justify this report have been digitally saved, time-stamped, and archived in case they may disappear as a result of this report.*

Campaign finance records uncovered exclusively by the Piñon Post show Democrat U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez accepted a 2017 campaign contribution from his uncle, who was listed on Vasquez’s own campaign filing at an address in Mexico — raising serious questions about whether the donation complied with federal law barring foreign nationals from contributing in American elections.

While running for Las Cruces City Council in 2017, Vasquez accepted a $100 contribution from Oscar Banuelos. Vasquez’s campaign finance statement, filed with the City of Las Cruces, listed Banuelos at an address in Chihuahua, Mexico: “Tarascos 6605 Col. Azteca, Chihuahua, MX.”

The contribution was dated June 1, 2017.

That alone raises a major question. But the donor was not merely a name on a form with a foreign address. Banuelos is Vasquez’s uncle.

In a 2022 El Paso Times photo feature, Oscar Bañuelos was identified as Vasquez’s uncle and the man who ran the TV repair shop started by Vasquez’s grandfather in Juárez. One caption described the “TV workshop that Gabe Vasquez’s grandfather started next to his house in Juárez” and stated, “Gabe Vasquez’s uncle, Oscar Bañuelos, now runs the TV workshop, fixing TVs.”

Another photo caption showed Vasquez outside his grandparents’ house in Juárez with family members, including “his uncle Oscar Bañuelos.”

Vasquez himself later invoked that same family business in an October 2025 op-ed published by La Opinión.

“My grandfather came from a farm in Juchipila, Zacatecas, and found a home in Ciudad Juarez, working as a mailman – a cartero,” Vasquez wrote. “He had a piece of mail he couldn’t deliver — a TV repair manual — and rather than toss it, he taught himself the trade. So, he built a small shop attached to my grandmother’s home.”

“That TV repair shop became the backdrop of my childhood, where I learned what hard work and ingenuity look like,” Vasquez continued. “My uncle runs that shop today.”

That quote makes the campaign donation even more significant. Vasquez did not accept money from an unknown donor whose background was unclear. The donor listed at a Mexico address was a close family member connected to a family story Vasquez has used publicly as part of his political biography.

Federal law is clear that foreign nationals are prohibited from contributing to American elections — including local elections.

Under 11 CFR 110.20, “A foreign national shall not, directly or indirectly, make a contribution or donation” in connection with federal, state, or local elections, including to political committees and party committees.

The same federal regulation also prohibits candidates and campaigns from knowingly accepting such money: “No person shall knowingly solicit, accept, or receive from a foreign national any contribution or donation…”

That leaves Vasquez with a straightforward question to answer: Was Oscar Banuelos a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident at the time of the donation?

A Mexico address does not automatically prove a donor is a foreign national. U.S. citizens can live abroad, and lawful permanent residents may be eligible to contribute. But when a campaign accepts money from a donor listed at an address in Mexico — especially a donor personally known to the candidate — the campaign should be able to show it verified the donor’s eligibility.

The question is even more pressing because Vasquez has publicly described himself as the first member of his family born in the United States.

In the same October 2025 op-ed, Vasquez wrote, “My mother worked long hours in the maquiladora industry working to make ends meet. Through that work, she earned her citizenship, and I became the first in my family born in the United States.”

That quote does not prove Banuelos was ineligible to donate. But it does raise the stakes. Vasquez’s own telling of his family history emphasizes that his mother had to earn citizenship and that he was the first in his family born in the United States. Voters deserve to know whether his uncle, listed at a Mexico address on the campaign filing, was legally eligible to contribute to a New Mexico local election.

There is another wrinkle. Research uncovered by the Piñon Post notes that Banuelos’ Facebook page now lists him as living in Cuba. That fact does not establish his citizenship status in 2017, but it adds another reason Vasquez should explain what his campaign knew, what it verified, and why the donation was accepted.

Banuelos’ contribution may not be the only campaign-finance issue needing answers.

A later 2017 Vasquez campaign finance statement listed ten anonymous contributions totaling $200 in October 2017. The filing shows multiple anonymous $20 donations dated Oct. 21, 2017.

Anonymous small-dollar donations may appear in local campaign reports. But when viewed alongside a contribution from a donor listed at a Mexico address, they raise additional questions about the campaign’s donor-screening practices.

Who made the anonymous donations? Were those donors legally eligible to contribute? Did the campaign have any process in place to ensure foreign nationals were not contributing to Vasquez’s local race?

The amount of money involved is not the point. The point is that foreign-money restrictions exist to protect American elections at every level — federal, state, and local — from foreign influence.

Vasquez is no longer a local candidate running for city council. He is a sitting member of Congress seeking reelection in New Mexico’s most competitive district. He votes on national policy, border issues, election legislation, and matters involving foreign influence.

That makes his own campaign finance history fair game for scrutiny.

The records show Vasquez accepted $100 from Oscar Banuelos. The campaign filing listed Banuelos at a Chihuahua, Mexico address. Banuelos has been identified as Vasquez’s uncle and the man who runs the family TV repair shop in Juárez. Vasquez has publicly referenced that shop and his uncle in his own political storytelling. Vasquez has also said his mother earned citizenship and that he was the first in his family born in the United States.

Those facts demand an answer.

Was Oscar Banuelos legally eligible to donate to Gabe Vasquez’s 2017 campaign?

Did Vasquez’s campaign verify that eligibility before accepting the money?

And if the donation was not legal, why did Vasquez’s campaign accept campaign cash from a donor listed at a Mexico address?

If the contribution was lawful, Vasquez can clear up the matter quickly by providing proof that Banuelos was a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident at the time.

If it was not, New Mexicans deserve to know why a campaign contribution tied to a foreign address was accepted — and whether Vasquez’s campaign ever asked the most obvious question before depositing the money.

Records: Contrary to U.S. law, Vasquez took campaign cash from uncle in Mexico Read More »

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