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Ahead of imminent gubernatorial run, Heinrich snubs Stansbury

U.S. Rep. Melanie Stansbury has received the backing of nearly every member of New Mexico’s all-Democrat congressional delegation in her campaign to become the ranking member of the House Natural Resources Committee. However, one prominent figure remains notably silent on the matter.

While U.S. Sen. Ben Ray Luján, U.S. Rep. Teresa Leger Fernández, and U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez have all publicly supported Stansbury’s bid to become the leading Democrat on the committee, U.S. Sen. Martin Heinrich has chosen not to take a stance.

“Congresswoman Melanie Stansbury is an incredible leader who’s dedicated her career to championing the issues affecting communities in New Mexico and across the country,” Heinrich said, according to the Santa Fe New Mexican. While acknowledging Stansbury’s qualifications, Heinrich emphasized his decision to remain neutral in the matter. “I am not a member of the House and do not weigh in on House leadership races, but I wish her the best as she seeks this position,” he stated.

Stansbury’s campaign to lead the House Natural Resources Committee has drawn attention, as it would position her as a key voice on matters affecting public lands, environmental policy, and natural resource management—critical issues for New Mexico. The role of ranking member is significant, especially in a politically divided Congress where the party in the minority seeks to assert influence over legislative priorities.

The decision by Heinrich to abstain from offering an endorsement is noteworthy. While it’s common for senators to refrain from involvement in House leadership races, the fact that the rest of New Mexico’s delegation has publicly supported Stansbury highlights the contrast. Some political observers may view Heinrich’s silence as a neutral stance, while others might interpret it as strategic discretion.

However, Heinrich is known to meddle in many contests across the state, including endorshing his hand-chosen candidates in Democrat primaries, including far-left Rep. Gabe Vasquez, to the chagrin of many of his party. It appears that with the governorship in his sights, Heinrich is distancing himself from Stansbury, who is a far-left extremist.

Stansbury’s rise in the House has been swift since her election in 2021 following Deb Haaland’s resignation to head Joe Biden’s Department of the Interior. Known for her activism in water policy and “environmental” issues, she has sought to leverage her background to secure a leadership role on the Natural Resources Committee. As the ranking member, she would be responsible for leading Democratic efforts on key environmental legislation and pushing back against the Republican majority.

With three of New Mexico’s four congressional Democrats backing her bid, Stansbury’s path to the position seems well-supported by New Mexico Democrat members of Congress. However, Heinrich’s decision not to offer an endorsement leaves room for speculation about internal dynamics within New Mexico’s congressional delegation. 

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MLG’s turbulent Cabinet shrinks yet again with latest defection

Far-left Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s administration is experiencing a notable pattern of high-level departures, raising concerns about stability within key state agencies. The latest resignation is that of General Services Department Secretary Robert Doucette Jr., who will step down at the end of the year after less than a year in the role. 

Doucette’s exit marks the fourth Cabinet-level resignation in as many months, underscoring a troubling trend. Health Secretary Patrick Allen resigned abruptly in November after serving less than two years. 

September saw the departures of Aging and Long-Term Services Secretary Jen Paul Schroer and Public Education Secretary Arsenio Romero stepping down amid critical periods for their departments. 

This pattern of turnover is familiar to Lujan Grisham’s tenure. Since her inauguration in 2019, the administration has seen a revolving door in key positions. For instance, the New Mexico Public Education Department (NMPED) is now seeing its fourth secretary in five years, a stark contrast to the previous administration, which had only two education secretaries over eight years. Mariana Padilla was appointed to be the governor’s fifth pick to lead the NMPED.

The Health Department has also faced instability. Before Allen’s brief tenure, the department was led by multiple secretaries in quick succession, including Kathy Kunkel and Dr. Tracie Collins, who departed amid the governor’s brutal COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns. 

Such frequent leadership changes have raised questions about the administration’s ability to maintain consistent policy direction and effectively manage state affairs. As New Mexico approaches a 60-day legislative session, the absence of stable leadership in critical departments could hinder the state’s capacity to address pressing issues.

While some turnover is expected in any administration, the rate at which key officials are exiting under Governor Lujan Grisham’s leadership is unprecedented.

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Big promises, bigger waste: Inside MLG’s extravagant NM budget ask

Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s recently unveiled $10.9 billion budget proposal is being marketed as a major investment in New Mexico’s future, but a closer look reveals troubling trends of fiscal irresponsibility, misallocation of funds, and misplaced priorities. While the administration touts its commitment to issues like homelessness, child care, and infrastructure, critics argue that the governor’s reckless spending, fueled by oil and gas revenues she simultaneously seeks to undermine, is setting New Mexico up for long-term instability.

The proposed budget represents a $720 million, or 7%, increase in state spending compared to the current fiscal year. Since Lujan Grisham took office in 2019, recurring state spending has skyrocketed by a staggering 45%. Such ballooning expenditures would be unsustainable for most states, but New Mexico’s budget is propped up by record-breaking oil and gas production from the Permian Basin—a source of revenue that accounts for 35% of the state’s total income.

This irony is not lost on many critics. On one hand, Lujan Grisham’s administration has made a habit of demonizing the oil and gas industry, promoting aggressive “climate” policies and stricter regulations. On the other hand, the state’s financial health remains dependent on that very industry. It’s a double standard that has left many New Mexicans questioning the governor’s true intentions.

Despite this influx of oil-fueled billions, many believe the money isn’t being spent wisely. Instead of prioritizing savings or trust funds (such as the rainy day fund) that could support future generations, Lujan Grisham’s proposal calls for sweeping expenditures on initiatives that have yet to prove effective. For example, the $50 million allocation for rental assistance and homeless shelters is a drop in the bucket compared to the scope of New Mexico’s housing crisis, and similar expensive policies tried out in other states prove to be ineffective or even more harmful than the original crisis. Without structural reforms or measurable outcomes, such one-time cash infusions risk becoming wasteful handouts with no lasting impact.

State employees and public school workers are set to receive pay raises under the plan—3% for teachers and education workers and targeted raises for state employees. It’s unclear if these raises are being distributed in a manner that addresses critical staffing shortages or high-need areas.

The governor’s budget also calls for significant investments in “behavioral health” programs, including $100 million to expand mental health and substance abuse facilities. While no one doubts the importance of behavioral health, critics argue that much of this money could end up in bureaucratic limbo. Rep. Nathan Small, D-Las Cruces, who chairs the New Mexico House Appropriations Committee, insists lawmakers are making “very significant” investments in behavioral health, but without clear accountability measures, it’s hard to see how New Mexicans will directly benefit.

Another point of contention is the proposal’s handling of tax relief. Despite New Mexico’s multi-year revenue boom, the governor’s budget offers no specific calls for tax cuts or rebates. In contrast, Sen. George Muñoz, D-Gallup, a top budget official, has criticized past rebate checks as a “waste of money” and argues that excess funds should be funneled into trust funds to generate future investment returns. Muñoz’s perspective highlights a fundamental divide between short-term giveaways and long-term financial stewardship.

Meanwhile, the state’s public education system—already consuming 44% of the budget—would receive even more funding under Lujan Grisham’s plan. Despite a notable drop in statewide school enrollment, the governor proposes expanded funding for universal school meals, summer reading initiatives, and a $150 million investment in Native American education over three years. While improving educational outcomes is essential, critics argue that increased spending without addressing enrollment declines could lead to inefficiencies and wasted resources.

Supporters of the governor’s approach highlight the creation of trust funds as a silver lining. For instance, an early childhood trust fund established with a $300 million allocation in 2020 now boasts a projected $9.6 billion balance. But this success story is not replicated in all areas of the budget. In contrast, other trust fund contributions, such as $50 million for rural hospitals and $110 million for federal matching funds, come with less clarity on how they’ll be managed or evaluated.

The contradictions in Lujan Grisham’s fiscal strategy are hard to ignore. She’s banking on oil and gas revenues to support a spending spree while simultaneously pushing policies to limit that very industry’s future in New Mexico. Instead of ensuring that excess funds are saved or invested wisely, the governor’s plan leans heavily on headline-grabbing initiatives that may have little long-term impact.

New Mexico House Republicans noted, “All the creative accounting in the world can’t hide the BILLIONS of your tax dollars just sitting in the hands of Santa Fe politicians.” 

With the 60-day legislative session set to begin on Jan. 21, lawmakers will have their chance to amend or reject portions of this bloated budget. As debate heats up, New Mexicans deserve answers on how their oil- and gas-derived tax dollars are being spent—and how much of that money is being squandered on initiatives that lack accountability, oversight, and lasting value.

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Heinrich all but confirms he’s running for governor in 2026

New Mexico Senator Martin Heinrich is setting the stage for a likely run for governor in 2026, signaling a shift that could push the state further to the left. While Heinrich has not made an official announcement, his remarks leave little room for doubt. When asked by the outlet Semafor about a possible gubernatorial bid, he coyly responded, “I don’t really have anything to share today.” This non-denial has fueled speculation that he’s positioning himself for the role.

Heinrich’s political track record suggests he’ll bring a brand of far-left policies to the New Mexico governor’s office. Known for his advocacy of expansive green energy initiatives, Heinrich’s alignment with progressive climate policies is poised to shape his campaign platform. He’s expected to use his potential new role as the lead Democrat on the Senate Energy Committee to bolster his credentials as an environmental hardliner. Critics argue that these policies place ideology above practicality, risking energy reliability and driving up consumer costs.

Senator Ben Ray Luján, Heinrich’s colleague, underscored his influence in Washington, recalling how he urged former New Mexico Senators Tom Udall and Jeff Bingaman to remain in the Senate for the good of the state. “I think very highly of Martin,” Luján said, but many conservatives question whether Heinrich’s influence has actually benefited New Mexicans, given the economic impact of his policy priorities.

Heinrich’s record is dotted with extreme statements that have raised eyebrows. From his calls for more stringent environmental regulations to his support for “equity-driven” economic policies, critics argue his positions cater to the farthest edges of the Democrat Party. 

His past support for curbing traditional energy production has drawn fire from industry leaders, who warn that such moves could cost New Mexico jobs and increase residents’ energy bills. He also primarily lives in Silver Spring, Maryland, where he moved his family after being elected to Congress.

Some speculate that Joe Biden’s lame-duck Interior Secretary Deb Haaland, a former congresswoman, could also enter the gubernatorial race, creating a potential battle between two far-left heavyweights. But for now, all eyes are on Heinrich, whose maneuvers signal that his ambitions for 2026 are already in motion.

With New Mexico’s economic future at stake, Heinrich’s potential run is likely to spark fierce debate. Critics argue that his far-left policies could push the state into deeper economic hardship, while supporters frame him as a champion of progressive values. As Heinrich himself said, he’s focused on “what’s best for New Mexico,” but for many, that’s exactly what’s up for debate.

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Toulouse Oliver and Torrez’s meddling could hike your grocery bill — Here’s how

The high-profile merger between supermarket giants Kroger and Albertsons hit significant roadblocks on Tuesday, with rulings from judges in two states halting the $24.6 billion deal. Critics are now pointing fingers at New Mexico Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver, New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez, and other leftist officials, accusing both of overstepping their authority and jeopardizing a merger that could have provided much-needed relief to strained grocery prices and improved competition in the retail sector.

U.S. District Court Judge Adrienne Nelson issued a preliminary injunction against the merger following a three-week hearing in Portland, Oregon. Later, on the same day, Judge Marshall Ferguson in Seattle handed down a permanent injunction, concluding that the merger would reduce competition in Washington and violate state consumer protection laws.

Kroger and Albertsons have expressed disappointment with the rulings and are evaluating their next steps, which could include appeals. The companies argue that the merger is essential to better compete with retail behemoths like Walmart, Costco, and Amazon. Without it, store closures, layoffs, and potential market exits may be unavoidable. “This merger would enhance competition, not reduce it, by giving us the scale to lower prices and improve service,” Kroger and Albertsons stated in response to the rulings.

Toulouse Oliver’s Role in the Merger Opposition

New Mexico Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver’s involvement in the opposition to the merger has drawn sharp criticism from industry leaders and consumer advocates alike. Her decision to join a coalition of attorneys general from Arizona, California, Illinois, Maryland, Nevada, New Mexico (Torrez), Oregon, Wyoming, and the District of Columbia in supporting the Federal Trade Commission’s (FTC) effort to block the merger is being labeled as unnecessary interference in private enterprise.

In a letter signed by Toulouse Oliver and other officials, they claimed, “The proposed merger poses a significant threat to competition and could lead to higher prices, fewer choices, and diminished service for consumers in our states. We urge the FTC to take swift action to protect the public interest.” However, opponents argue that Toulouse Oliver’s support of the letter is a politically driven attempt to bolster her regulatory influence at the expense of consumers and the broader grocery market.

Impact on Grocery Prices and Consumer Choice

According to Kroger and Albertsons, Toulouse Oliver’s actions, along with those of other state officials, risk worsening an already precarious grocery market. They argue that blocking the merger denies consumers access to the benefits of increased competition against larger players like Walmart and Amazon. “This merger is essential to maintaining competitive pressure on the largest players in the retail grocery space,” the companies stated. They further emphasized that the combined resources would allow for $1 billion in price reductions and $1 billion in higher wages for grocery workers.

Industry leaders warn that Toulouse Oliver’s interference will only drive prices higher. “Preventing this merger leaves smaller grocers unable to compete with retail giants, and it’s consumers who will bear the cost,” one industry expert noted. Kroger and Albertsons have pledged significant price cuts and investments in employee wages, but these benefits are now in jeopardy due to the regulatory roadblocks led by Toulouse Oliver and her allies.

Legal and Market Implications

The FTC’s lawsuit to block the merger received support from multiple states and labor unions, with arguments centered on reduced competition, higher prices, and potential harm to workers. However, Kroger and Albertsons contend that these claims are flawed and counterproductive. They pledged to sell 579 stores to C&S Wholesale Grocers to avoid anti-competitive overlap. But Judge Ferguson dismissed this solution, stating, “Wholesaler C&S, with its limited retail experience and infrastructure, will not be able to replicate the ferocity of that competition or compete effectively in Washington against the colossus that is a merged Kroger and Albertsons.”

An Albertsons grocery store in Idaho Falls, Idaho. Tony Webster via Wiki Commons.

Despite this, supporters of the merger argue that divesting stores to smaller retailers like C&S creates a more diverse market, which is exactly what antitrust laws are supposed to encourage. The injunctions represent significant setbacks for Kroger and Albertsons, as further litigation could take months or years. Meanwhile, critics argue that Toulouse Oliver’s overreach is actively working against consumer interests.

Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver’s opposition to the Kroger-Albertsons merger has drawn widespread criticism for being an unnecessary act of meddling that could leave consumers facing higher grocery prices and fewer options. Kroger and Albertsons argue that the merger is essential for competing against retail giants like Walmart and Amazon. 

With the future of the merger hanging in the balance, consumers and industry leaders alike are calling for regulatory restraint and urging officials like Toulouse Oliver to reconsider the broader economic impact of their decisions.

Toulouse Oliver and Torrez’s meddling could hike your grocery bill — Here’s how Read More »

Dems reap oil billions, but their ‘green’ agenda trying to sink the state’s fortune

New Mexico’s financial strategy to safeguard and grow its wealth from local oil production is yielding significant returns, with state investment income now surpassing personal income tax revenue for the first time, according to a recent fiscal forecast. However, this progress is unfolding against a backdrop of mounting efforts by far-left Democrats to dismantle the state’s oil and gas sector through initiatives like the so-called “Energy Transition Act,” New Mexico’s version of a Green New Deal, which was passed in 2019.

For the fiscal year spanning July 2024 to June 2025, the state’s revenue from its two multibillion-dollar permanent funds and interest on treasury accounts is projected to reach $2.1 billion. This figure edges out the $2 billion anticipated from personal income taxes. The rise in investment earnings is intended to sustain crucial public programs — such as childcare subsidies and socialized “free” college — even as New Mexico faces potential declines in oil revenue due to the push for a shift to so-called “green” energy.

Meanwhile, legislators have revised the state’s income tax brackets, lowering residents’ taxes in the nation’s second-largest oil-producing state, behind Texas.

These figures serve as a foundation for budget negotiations when the Democratic-controlled Legislature convenes in January.

The state’s financial growth remains deeply linked to oil production, which continues to drive revenue increases at a more moderate pace. However, this growth exists in tension with legislative priorities, including far-left energy policies to curb fossil fuel reliance. Efforts like the Energy Transition Act have been criticized as a direct attack on New Mexico’s oil and gas industry, threatening a vital sector supporting the state’s economy.

Economists predict New Mexico will see a record-setting $13.6 billion in general fund revenue for the fiscal year running from July 2025 to June 2026, reflecting a 2.6% increase from the prior period. This surge leaves room for an additional $892 million in state spending, representing a 7% increase. In total, the state’s general fund income is expected to exceed its core annual spending obligations by a staggering $3.4 billion.

Recognizing the windfall, lawmakers are exploring new savings initiatives to safeguard against future economic uncertainty. One proposal would create a $1 billion trust to support mental health and addiction treatment services, responding to growing public concern about crime and homelessness. Lawmakers may also revisit a proposal to establish a trust for Native American education — all cutting into oil and gas funding.

While the economic gains are undeniable, “progressive” energy policies like the Energy Transition Act risk eroding New Mexico’s economic foundation. The act, which aims to transition the state away from fossil fuels, could ultimately jeopardize funding for the very social programs lawmakers are striving to protect. The state’s oil and gas sector not only fuels public revenue but also supports tens of thousands of jobs, a fact that some believe the far-left faction of the Democrat Party has overlooked in its pursuit of environmental goals. Futile efforts to “go green” risk undercutting the very prosperity that is now enabling increased social spending, tax cuts, and trust fund expansions.

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See where NM ranks for number of UFO sightings

New Mexico’s skies continue to captivate UFO enthusiasts, with the latest sighting sparking renewed intrigue. In October 2023, a vivid red light pulsated in the night sky above Albuquerque’s South Valley for nearly an hour, stunning witnesses. One onlooker, who captured the spectacle on camera, remarked to the Santa Fe New Mexican, “I’ve never seen a light that bright.” The strange sighting has since been cataloged by Enigma Labs, a private UFO reporting platform that allows users to submit sightings via a mobile app and website.

This latest incident adds to a growing list of 2023-2024 UFO reports in New Mexico, a state with a long history of unexplained aerial phenomena. Earlier in the year, a bright, orb-like object was seen floating above Jal, near the southern border. The observer described a charged, staticky feeling in the air as the orb moved with “angular elegance” over a Lea County oil field. Similar reports emerged from Hobbs, Roswell, and Chaparral, with eerie lights and objects captured on video by locals.

According to Enigma Labs, New Mexico now ranks as the top U.S. state for UFO sightings per capita, boasting 12.2 reports per 100,000 residents. This outpaces Nevada and Arizona, which report around 9 sightings per 100,000 people. “New Mexico is a focal point for UFOs,” noted Alejandro Rojas, a consultant for Enigma Labs. He added that recent data shows New Mexico “heads above the leader” in submission rates.

Enigma Labs has logged 754 sightings in Albuquerque alone, followed by Las Cruces (159), Roswell (143), and other smaller towns. Sightings range from orbs and plasma-like ships to unidentifiable craft that change shapes mid-flight. One notable encounter from February 2024 involved two friends driving along Albuquerque’s San Mateo Boulevard. They watched a craft morph from a long, illuminated structure into a triangle with three lights before it shifted to a helicopter-like form and vanished.

Experts like David Marler, executive director of the National UFO Historical Records Center in Rio Rancho, note that New Mexico’s legacy of UFO lore extends beyond the famous Roswell incident. “There are better, more well-documented cases,” Marler said, referencing sightings at Kirtland Air Force Base and the 1964 Socorro encounter. His research center houses thousands of files, microfilms, and recordings dating back to the 1940s, offering a rich archive for UFO enthusiasts and researchers alike.

With sightings continuing to pour in, New Mexico remains at the heart of the nation’s ongoing fascination with the unknown.

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NM Republicans choose new state chair

On Saturday, New Mexico Republican State Central Committee members met in Truth or Consequences to choose new party officers, including a new state chair. 

Current Chairman Steve Pearce, a former congressman, chose not to run for another term in the position, leaving the spot open to a new face following his exit.

Otero County Commissioner Amy Barela, a former chairwoman of the Otero County Republican Party and the current NM GOP first vice-chairwoman, won the vote to become the next Republican Party of New Mexico chief.

The new first vice-chair is Hessel Yntema, the second vice-chair is Mike Nelson, and the current secretary, Kathleen Apodaca, ran unopposed, as did Kim Skaggs for party treasurer.

In the state’s First Congressional District, former New Mexico House of Representatives candidate Joshua Neal ran unopposed for the position of CD-1 chair; in the Second District, Julianne Stroup won for CD-2 chair, and in the Third District, Public Education Commissioner Sharon Clahchischilliage, a former state representative, won that seat.

In the November 2024 presidential election, Republicans made up ground for President-elect Donald Trump, whose vote margin against Kamala Harris rose five points from 2020 when he ran against Joe Biden. 

With the shift in momentum toward the Republican Party in the state, Barela and the new party officials will have the job of recruiting volunteers, registering voters, and helping the GOP finally win back key seats in Congress, on the state-wide level and majorities in the state Legislature, where Democrats dominate 44-26 in the House and 26-16 in the Senate following the November elections.

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NM’s oil industry: No. 2 producer in the nation despite state’s Green New Deal

As of 2024, the United States remains the largest crude oil producer in the world, maintaining its top position since 2018. While Texas often steals the spotlight, New Mexico has emerged as a vital player, ranking as the second-largest oil-producing state. This rise has cemented New Mexico’s role in driving U.S. energy production forward.

New Mexico produced an impressive 665.55 million barrels of oil in 2023, accounting for 14.1% of the country’s total crude oil output. In August 2024 alone, the state contributed 64.85 million barrels, showcasing steady production growth. 

According to the Independent Petroleum Association of New Mexico (IPANM), “New Mexico is the second-largest domestic oil producer and one of three states that saw an increase in production from 2019 to 2020, despite the reduced demand brought about by the pandemic.” This resilience underscores the state’s ability to adapt and thrive, even in challenging market conditions.

Much of New Mexico’s success stems from its access to the Permian Basin, a geological treasure trove of oil reserves. Advances in drilling technologies, such as horizontal drilling and hydraulic fracturing, have played a significant role in unlocking these resources. 

The state’s efforts have not only elevated its oil output but also bolstered its economy. The industry provides over $2.5 billion annually to fund essential public services, including education, infrastructure, and healthcare, while serving as New Mexico’s largest employer.

Despite its reliance on oil, New Mexico has balanced its energy dominance with a focus on broader economic contributions. As IPANM notes, “Despite oil’s historical and economic importance in New Mexico, mining, including oil and natural gas production, accounts for just one-tenth of its GDP.” This duality highlights the need for diversification to ensure long-term economic stability.

New Mexico’s transportation sector, responsible for over 80% of the state’s petroleum consumption, further underscores the importance of its oil industry. 

Despite New Mexico being a leader in oil production, far-left New Mexico Democrat leaders passed the “Energy Transition Act,” the state’s Green New Deal, in 2019, aiming to annihilate the industry by the next decade. 

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How ‘balanced’ is New Mexico’s economy? Here’s what the metrics say

New Mexico faces significant challenges in economic rankings, highlighting ongoing struggles to balance the needs of businesses and workers while fostering growth. 

Across multiple metrics evaluating business climates, employee welfare, and economic balance, the state consistently lands near the bottom, revealing structural hurdles that hinder its economic performance.

In rankings focused on business climate, New Mexico ranks 47th overall, among the lowest in the nation. Factors contributing to this poor score include a lackluster ranking of 43rd for CNBC’s “best business climate” and 44th for U.S. News’ measures of opportunity and economy. 

These metrics capture New Mexico’s challenges in attracting and retaining businesses due to high tax burdens and limited growth opportunities due to leftist policies. 

For example, the state ranks 23rd in tax burden but falls to 47th in the number of business startups, indicating a discouraging environment for entrepreneurial activity. While not at the bottom, the state’s GDP growth sits at 27th, showing a slower pace of economic expansion.

On the worker-centric side, New Mexico’s performance is slightly better but still middling. The state ranks 24th regarding worker-centric metrics, reflecting a mixed picture of job stability and pay. Workers face a 2.4% quit rate (24th) and a 1.23% dismissal rate (14th), suggesting slightly better-than-average job retention. 

However, New Mexico’s cost-adjusted income is a concern, ranking 47th at $42,128 annually, well below the national median. Despite these challenges, the state ranks 15th in Oxfam’s “best workplaces” index, reflecting strong workplace policies relative to its economic peers.

In terms of overall economic balance—combining business and worker priorities—New Mexico ranks 44th. The state struggles to create a mutually beneficial environment for employers and employees, weighed down by its 47th-place ranking for business-friendliness. These imbalances hinder the state’s ability to compete with more dynamic economies like Virginia, Colorado, and Washington, which top the rankings.

New Mexico’s economic difficulties underscore the need for policy shifts to improve its business climate and bolster worker outcomes. With targeted reforms, the state could better leverage its resources to foster an environment conducive to growth for businesses and workers.

See the statistics and read more about these studies here.

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