New Mexico

Haaland uses national TV hit to bash Trump, defend Biden

7 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Far-left Democrat Deb Haaland used a friendly national television appearance on MS NOW’s “Morning Joe” this week to promote her new memoir, tout her Biden administration record, and frame her campaign for governor as a direct fight against President Donald Trump.

Haaland, who recently won the Democratic nomination for New Mexico governor, appeared on the program to discuss her book, “A Voice Like Mine,” while the hosts repeatedly highlighted her biography and potential to make history again if elected governor.

The segment opened by noting that Haaland was one of the first Native American women elected to Congress and later became the first Native American to serve in a presidential cabinet when Joe Biden selected her as secretary of the interior.

Haaland leaned heavily into that theme, saying the title of her book came from her first congressional campaign.

“My media consultant, she said, we were all on a call one day and she just said, well, Congress has never heard a voice like yours,” Haaland said. “And I was like, yeah.”

She added that the phrase became a campaign slogan: “Congress has never heard a voice like mine.”

Haaland told the program that “representation matters,” pointing to her work on missing and murdered Indigenous people and federal Indian boarding schools.

But the interview quickly shifted from biography to politics, where Haaland gave voters plenty to notice.

Asked about running as a former Biden administration official after Democrats have faced anger over how Biden’s presidency ended, Haaland defended the record.

“I have a long record of accomplishment serving with President Biden as the secretary of the interior,” Haaland said.

She specifically touted placing “millions of acres of land into conservation” and claimed the Biden administration “stood up a clean energy transition for our entire country.”

“We have a strong record of accomplishment and nothing can take away from that,” Haaland said. “We did those. We did that work.”

For conservatives, that line may be one of the most revealing in the interview. Haaland is not distancing herself from Biden. She is running directly on the Biden-Haaland record, including the administration’s aggressive land and energy agenda.

Haaland also pointed to her time running the Department of the Interior, saying her executive experience separates her from other candidates.

“I have the experience of leading a department of 70,000 career staff and an $18 billion annual budget,” she said. “I did that for four consecutive years.”

Then came the anti-Trump pitch.

Haaland said that “right now leadership is important in our country” and declared that “governor is the first line of defense against the worst policies coming out of the Trump administration.”

When asked how she would deal with the Trump administration if elected governor, Haaland immediately listed deportations, Medicaid, and food stamps.

“It’s not just deportations, it’s cutting of Medicaid and SNAP benefits,” she said, claiming those policies “could close five rural hospitals in my state.”

She then blamed Trump for rising costs.

“Trump is making things more expensive,” Haaland said, citing gas prices “over four and a half dollars a gallon.”

Then she escalated the attack.

“Trump is making people in my state sicker, poorer and hungrier,” Haaland said.

Haaland said New Mexico would need to “push back against this administration” and “sue the administration for the things that they are obligated to our state for.”

“I know how the federal government works and I’m going to work hard to make sure that New Mexicans are protected against these worst policies that are coming out of the White House,” she added.

The comments offer a clear preview of Haaland’s general election strategy: nationalize the race around Trump, defend the Biden administration, and portray herself as the governor who would fight Washington Republicans.

The interview also included comments likely to raise eyebrows among conservatives concerned about land use, energy, and private property. Haaland described New Mexico and the broader United States through the lens of ancestral land, saying, “The United States was all Indian land at one time and it is our ancestral homeland.”

“And so we care deeply about the land, the water, our natural resources,” she said.

That worldview tracks closely with Haaland’s record at Interior, where she pushed conservation, clean energy, and federal land policies that many Western energy producers, ranchers, and rural communities have criticized as hostile to traditional land use.

Haaland also promoted the Biden administration’s green energy agenda, saying it produced “12 offshore wind projects and 50 solar projects in the southwest alone.”

The appearance was largely friendly, with hosts praising Haaland’s story and history-making political career. One host called her story “incredible,” while another highlighted her “thirty fifth generation New Mexican” background.

But for New Mexico conservatives, the substance was more important than the soft-focus framing.

Haaland used the national platform to embrace the Biden record, push a climate-heavy federal résumé, attack Trump over immigration and spending fights, and promise to use the governor’s office as a weapon against the current administration.

If elected, Haaland made clear she would not be a check on the far-left policies coming from national Democrats. She would be one of their most eager state-level enforcers.

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MLG’s national media lovefest comes with one wild admission

17 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Lame-duck Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham received a glowing national-media sendoff this week from WBUR, Boston’s NPR affiliate, which framed the far-left Democrat as one of the party’s most “effective leaders” while giving her nearly an hour to brag about her administration’s big-government agenda.

The segment, titled “How New Mexico’s governor got big things done,” opened by praising Lujan Grisham’s “robust list of progressive achievements,” including New Mexico’s taxpayer-funded “universal” child care program — a program that remains under litigation — not to mention ex-Lujan Grisham officials are bashing, as we previously reported.

Host Meghna Chakrabarti noted that New Mexico became the first state in the country to offer universal “free” child care and asked Lujan Grisham how she paid for it.

The answer, of course, was oil and gas.

WBUR acknowledged that New Mexico’s massive oil and gas revenues helped bankroll the program, even as Lujan Grisham used the interview to make clear that, if she had her way, fossil fuels would disappear completely.

“If I had a magic wand, nowhere in the world would we be using or burning fossil fuels,” Lujan Grisham said.

For conservative New Mexicans, that may be the most revealing line of the entire interview. The governor is more than happy to spend billions produced by the oil and gas industry, but she openly admits her ideal world would eliminate the very energy source funding her signature government programs.

Lujan Grisham also described universal child care not as a limited government benefit, but as a permanent government-guaranteed “right.”

In a clip from her State of the State address played by WBUR, Lujan Grisham declared, “New Mexico, in fact, is the first state in America to make childcare a right, not an aspiration, not a goal, a right.”

When asked why she used that language, the governor compared child care to foundational ideals.

“Like the pursuit of liberty and happiness … [universal childcare] is what citizens can expect in the state of New Mexico,” she said.

She added that enshrining the policy changes the political fight “forever.”

“That changes the trajectory and the debate for politicians then forever,” Lujan Grisham said.

In other words, the governor’s goal was not simply to create a program. It was to make it politically difficult for future lawmakers or governors to reverse course, even if the program becomes unaffordable or fails to meet demand.

That point is especially relevant as even supporters of universal child care have begun warning that New Mexico’s rollout is running into major problems, including provider shortages, lack of infant-care capacity, and long-term funding concerns.

Still, WBUR treated the program as a national Democrat model, giving Lujan Grisham a platform to argue that other Democrats should follow New Mexico’s lead.

Lujan Grisham also took credit for the program’s expansion, saying, “I’ll take a little more credit here … because you’re not a good governor unless you can do that.”

The governor claimed the state’s permanent funds have grown dramatically during her tenure, saying oil-and-gas-backed funds were around $22 billion to $23 billion when she became governor and are now “just under $70 billion.”

She also said New Mexico created a child care trust fund using another stream of oil and gas revenue, claiming it began with $300 million and is now at $11 billion.

That creates the central contradiction: Lujan Grisham’s “progressive” legacy depends heavily on an industry she simultaneously wants to transition away from — or, in her own “magic wand” world, abolish outright.

The governor did give oil and gas what she called a “shout-out,” saying the industry has sometimes been more cooperative on regulation than Democrat lawmakers.

“They have been more in line with accountability and funding our regulators than some of our Democratic lawmakers have been,” she said.

But that praise did not last long. Lujan Grisham quickly returned to her “climate change” agenda, arguing that New Mexico needs to go further in decarbonizing transportation, agriculture, and other sectors.

“You have to do transportation. We have to do ag. We have to be at net zero,” she said, adding that every state needs “a pathway to net negative.”

She also said New Mexico is “not where we ought to be” on climate and “must do more.”

The governor defended her failed Clear Horizons-style agenda, which would have pushed sweeping greenhouse gas targets into law, after the plan failed in the Legislature with bipartisan opposition.

Lujan Grisham said she believes a simpler bill putting the state on a carbon-neutral path by 2050 could pass.

“I have no doubt you’ll see that work again in the next legislative session,” she said.

That may be a warning for New Mexico’s energy workers, royalty owners, taxpayers, and communities that depend on the oil and gas economy: even as Lujan Grisham prepares to leave office, the anti-energy agenda she championed is not going away.

The interview also veered into national Democrat politics, where Lujan Grisham admitted her party has a problem connecting with voters on everyday issues.

“When the Democratic agenda doesn’t seem to get the particulars … that leaves voters out,” she said.

She specifically acknowledged that more Hispanic voters, particularly Hispanic men, moved in a conservative direction in 2024. This comes just days after addressing the Democratic National Committee, where she stated the Democrats don’t need men to win elections.

Lujan Grisham blamed part of her own narrower 2022 reelection margin on COVID restrictions, saying New Mexicans are “fiercely independent” and care about “freedom” and “rights.”

That admission is notable given the governor’s record of sweeping COVID-era mandates, business restrictions, and her later failed attempt to suspend gun carry rights in Albuquerque through a public health order.

At one point, she said Democrats “have to stop” with platitudes when voters do not feel safe or financially secure in their daily lives.

“Until people are safe in their neighborhoods and communities, until they feel like they’re not living paycheck to paycheck, Democrats have to stop, I think, with these platitudes,” she said.

But moments later, the governor returned to familiar left-wing talking points, claiming Democrat governors need more federal help and attacking President Donald Trump over immigration enforcement.

She accused the federal government of “deporting the innocent refugee asylum seekers and their families who are immigrants looking for the American dream.”

The WBUR host also asked whether Lujan Grisham has future political ambitions.

The governor did not rule it out.

“I’m not done trying to make a difference,” she said.

For WBUR, the interview was a celebration of Lujan Grisham’s progressive résumé. For conservatives in New Mexico, it was something else: a revealing look at a governor who boasts about using oil money to grow government, calls child care a constitutional-style right, dreams of a world without fossil fuels, admits Democrats lost ground with Hispanic men, and still thinks New Mexico should be a national model.

If this is the Democrat blueprint, New Mexicans should pay close attention.

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MLG’s office accidentally makes the case against anti-ICE law

12 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

A letter from Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s office is raising new questions about the legal footing of New Mexico’s anti-ICE House Bill 9 after the governor’s own staff appeared to acknowledge that immigration enforcement is under federal jurisdiction.

In a response to a constituent who contacted the governor’s office about ICE operations, the Office of Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham wrote that “jurisdiction over immigration enforcement rests with federal agencies,” adding that this reality limits “state and local law enforcement’s ability to intervene.”

That statement is now drawing attention because it appears to echo one of the central arguments made by critics of HB 9: immigration enforcement is a federal responsibility, and New Mexico’s attempt to restrict local cooperation with federal immigration authorities may be on shaky legal ground.

The letter, addressed to a New Mexican concerned about ICE operations, reads in part, “It is essential to recognize that jurisdiction over immigration enforcement rests with federal agencies, limiting state and local law enforcement’s ability to intervene.”

The governor’s office then directed complaints about alleged misconduct to the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Inspector General.

The response was posted publicly on Facebook by Lana Kozikowski, who wrote that she contacted the governor’s office in an attempt to receive an explanation for why Lujan Grisham signed HB 9, the Democrat-backed “Immigrant Safety Act.” The law targets local government cooperation with federal immigration authorities, including DHS facilities and existing agreements between DHS and local law enforcement agencies.

Kozikowski argued the governor’s office response showed the administration already knew the state was entering federal territory.

“She knew HB 9 and SB 264 amendments would be unlawful but passed them anyway,” Kozikowski wrote.

Screenshot of the Facebook post regarding HB9 and Lujan Grisham’s office’s response.

The post quickly drew hundreds of reactions and comments from New Mexicans who saw the same contradiction. One commenter wrote, “They know the law is illegal and unenforceable, but they want to cause division and create chaos so they can play victims.” Another wrote, “Excellent, you got it in writing!”

The letter does not explicitly say HB 9 is illegal. But it does appear to concede the basic principle now at the center of the growing legal and political fight: immigration enforcement belongs to the federal government.

That matters because HB 9 has already triggered fierce opposition from counties and communities that rely on federal immigration detention contracts, including Otero County. Critics have warned the law threatens jobs, local revenue, public safety, and long-standing cooperation between local entities and federal authorities.

The U.S. Department of Justice has also sued New Mexico over HB 9 and Albuquerque’s related anti-ICE ordinance, arguing the state and city are interfering with federal immigration enforcement. Federal officials contend that state and local governments cannot obstruct federal operations by cutting off facilities, contracts, or cooperation needed to carry out immigration law.

The governor’s office letter now gives critics another talking point: even Lujan Grisham’s own staff acknowledged that immigration enforcement is federally controlled.

For people against open-borders, the issue is straightforward. If the governor’s office admits that immigration enforcement is a federal matter, why did Lujan Grisham sign a law aimed at disrupting local partnerships with federal immigration authorities?

HB 9 supporters have portrayed the law as a protection for immigrant communities — despite it doing the opposite. Opponents argue it is an anti-ICE political stunt that puts New Mexico in conflict with federal law while threatening local economies and public safety.

The contradiction was not lost on commenters responding to the Facebook post. One wrote, “Am I the only one seeing the blatant hypocrisy?” Another argued the administration was trying to “make it illegal for federal agencies to enforce the law” while telling people to report violations to the same federal government.

The governor’s office may have intended the letter as a routine constituent response. Instead, it has become a new wrinkle in the HB 9 fight — one that appears to undermine the administration’s own position.

At minimum, the response raises an obvious question: if Lujan Grisham’s office recognizes that immigration enforcement rests with federal agencies, why is New Mexico trying to block the local infrastructure and agreements that help those federal agencies do their jobs?

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Left turns on Heinrich after he waits to kiss the Haaland ring

26 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

U.S. Sen. Martin Heinrich, a far-left Democrat, is learning what happens when a Democrat fails to immediately fall in line behind the party’s newest progressive standard-bearer.

According to a Santa Fe New Mexican report by Daniel J. Chacón, Heinrich drew backlash from left-wing Democrats after he posted a congratulatory message Wednesday celebrating several Democratic primary winners — but noticeably left out Deb Haaland, who had just trounced Bernalillo County District Attorney Sam Bregman in the Democratic gubernatorial primary.

Haaland, Joe Biden’s former Interior secretary and a national progressive favorite, won the Democratic nomination in a blowout and is now set to face Republican Gregg Hull, the former three-term mayor of Rio Rancho, in November. The Associated Press reported that Haaland and Hull will face off in the general election after Tuesday’s primary results.

But before Democrats could even fully pivot to November, the party’s activist wing began eating its own.

Manny Crespin, a Democratic National Committee committeeman and former vice chair of the Democratic Party of New Mexico, blasted Heinrich over the omission.

“Your true colors are shining right through, Senator Martin Heinrich!” Crespin wrote in response, according to the Santa Fe New Mexican.

“At a moment when Democrats should be lifting one another up and uniting after a primary, Senator Martin Heinrich remains noticeably silent in recognizing many of these Democratic victories and campaigns. This is not by accident. His silence is purposeful and intentionally undermining,” Crespin wrote. “For someone not originally from New Mexico, you would hope there would be a deeper understanding of our culture and our values.”

Others also noticed Haaland’s absence from Heinrich’s message.

“And Deb?!” Sherry Eichorn commented on Facebook, according to the report.

“No Deb Haaland?” Brandon Scott Jensen asked.

Some commenters, however, appeared pleased Heinrich had not rushed to praise Haaland.

“Glad to see you didn’t endorse Haaland! Vote [Republican Gregg] Hull for governor!!!” Jon Hovis wrote.

“For the first time, I agree with you leaving Haaland [off] your list,” Juan Garcia added.

The backlash underscores a growing tension inside New Mexico’s Democratic Party: after Haaland crushed Bregman, the progressive left appears to expect immediate public loyalty from every major Democrat — even those who may have had reservations about her candidacy or stayed neutral during the primary.

Heinrich attempted to clean up the situation the next day by posting a photo with Haaland and saying he was proud to endorse her.

But that only triggered another round of criticism from Crespin, who mocked Heinrich for waiting until after Haaland had already won.

“Senator, respectfully … endorsing someone after they already won is not leadership. That is showing up after the parade ended and trying to claim you helped organize it,” Crespin wrote, according to the Santa Fe New Mexican. “New Mexicans are smart. They notice who takes risks early and who waits until it is politically safe to stand in the photo afterward. But hey, congratulations on the safest endorsement in modern New Mexico political history. Truly profile-in-courage material.”

A Heinrich spokesperson denied that the timing had anything to do with the online backlash, telling the Santa Fe New Mexican the “timing was coordinated at a staff level and had nothing to do with any social media posts.”

“Senator Heinrich’s endorsement of Deb Haaland is based on their work together, her experience, and his commitment to work alongside her in delivering for New Mexico,” the spokesperson said.

Heinrich’s eventual endorsement praised Haaland personally and politically. Native News Online reported that Heinrich said, “I’ve worked with Deb a long time, and I can tell you this: Deb is incredibly kind, leads with compassion, and cares deeply about New Mexico and the people who call it home.” He also said Haaland had the experience needed to “fight back against Donald Trump.”

Still, the damage was already done among some on the left. To them, Heinrich’s post-primary endorsement was not enough. He had not bowed quickly enough.

For conservatives, the episode is revealing. Heinrich is no Republican. He is a liberal Democrat who has long aligned with the party’s environmental, gun control, and anti-Trump agenda. But in the modern New Mexico Democratic Party, even a reliably left-wing senator can face instant backlash if he is perceived as insufficiently enthusiastic about the progressive favorite.

The Santa Fe New Mexican’s report also noted that Hull appeared on the outlet’s Around the Roundhouse podcast after winning the Republican nomination. Hull described his early days in New Mexico, including a stint delivering newspapers for the Santa Fe New Mexican. He recalled that on the morning his first child was born in August 1987, he and his wife completed the paper route before going to the hospital.

“The next morning — she wasn’t with me that time,” Hull said, “but the next morning, I was throwing the paper route again.”

While Democrats are policing each other’s loyalty to Haaland, Hull is now preparing for a general election race focused on whether New Mexico continues one-party Democratic control or changes direction in November.

The Heinrich flare-up may fade quickly, but it offers a preview of the pressure campaign ahead: New Mexico Democrats are expected to rally behind Haaland, and anyone who hesitates may find the progressive left waiting.

Left turns on Heinrich after he waits to kiss the Haaland ring Read More »

ABQ Jewish community shaken after violent synagogue attack

13 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

An Albuquerque man is facing multiple charges after police say he smashed windows at two Jewish institutions in the city, causing major damage and heightening concerns over antisemitism in New Mexico.

According to reporting from the Santa Fe New Mexican, 25-year-old Rex Crofton was arrested in connection with the vandalism at Congregation Albert Synagogue. A criminal complaint filed Wednesday in Bernalillo County Metropolitan Court charges Crofton with desecration of a church, two counts of criminal damage to property, and a hate crime sentencing enhancement.

Police were called to Congregation Albert on Tuesday evening after witnesses reported a man smashing windows near the entrance before leaving the scene. Witnesses told police the damage totaled around $40,000, according to the complaint.

KOAT reported that an employee called police around 4:30 p.m. Tuesday, as the synagogue was wrapping up its workday.

“We were getting ready to wind down our day when an individual approached our building and smashed some of the panels on our front door and then left,” Senior Rabbi Celia Surget told KOAT.

Surget asked that the exterior of the synagogue and the boarded-up doors not be shown, emphasizing that the congregation is more than the damage done to its building.

“Our community is more than just what happened to our front doors. It’s about the people who make it. It’s about the exchanges that happen here,” Surget said.

Police later arrested Crofton after reviewing license plate-reading camera footage in the area that linked his vehicle to the incident, according to the Santa Fe New Mexican.

KOAT reported that police say Crofton was seen on security cameras about 10 minutes later doing the same thing at the Jewish Community Center on Wyoming Boulevard.

Ron Winger of the JCC said the suspect was unable to get inside the building.

“He banged on the first set of doors. Those doors opened. He then banged on the second set of doors. He did not get in the facility,” Winger told KOAT.

Winger said the JCC’s security protocols worked, including procedures to protect children who were present for camp.

“We have camp going on and we took care of the kids. They were evacuated as our protocol calls for, but we didn’t have any interruption in service,” Winger said.

By Wednesday morning, JCC members noticed an increased law enforcement presence. One member, identified by KOAT as Robert, said he saw a police car when he arrived for an early workout.

“I worked out this morning; there was a police car saying that. I was wondering why when I went in, I thought, that’s kind of odd,” he said.

Asked what he believed motivated the damage, Robert was blunt.

“They’re Jewish. Plain and simple. Antisemitism, without a doubt,” he said.

A judge approved an extreme risk protection order against Crofton on Thursday, allowing authorities to confiscate his firearms. According to the police petition cited by the Santa Fe New Mexican, relatives described Crofton as suffering from bipolar disorder or schizophrenia and said he had begun expressing “extreme antisemitic views” about a year ago.

Crofton was scheduled to be arraigned Friday.

The Jewish Community Relations Coalition of New Mexico said it activated its security network program after the incident, alerting community leaders and helping coordinate a heightened response.

“Tuesday’s attacks reinforced the urgent need for additional security resources, training, and support to help Jewish organizations across New Mexico meet the growing security challenges they face,” Juan Dircie, the organization’s director, said.

The Friends of Israel Project, a New Mexico-based organization, also issued a forceful statement condemning the vandalism.

“This is truly heartbreaking,” the group wrote. “Seeing a synagogue and Jewish Community Center vandalized right here in New Mexico brings back the chilling echoes of Kristallnacht. The night synagogues were smashed and Jewish communities were attacked across Germany. That was only the beginning.”

The group said Jewish New Mexicans should never be made to feel unsafe in their own communities.

“Our Jewish neighbors should never have to feel unsafe in their own community. As a New Mexico-based organization, this hits close to home. We refuse to stay silent while Jew hatred targets our neighbors,” the statement continued.

“To our local Jewish community: you are not alone. We see you, we stand with you, and we will continue fighting antisemitism with everything we have through education, truth, and real relationship-building until our communities are truly safe.”

The FBI has also been contacted about the case. KOAT reported that FBI representatives said only that they are actively investigating the incident.

For Albuquerque’s Jewish community, the damage was more than broken glass. It was a reminder that antisemitism is not confined to national headlines or college campuses — it is showing up at synagogues and community centers in New Mexico.

As the criminal case proceeds, Jewish leaders and allies are calling for vigilance, accountability, and a clear public stand against antisemitic hate.

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Far-Left wins show who really runs NM Dems

35 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

New Mexico Democrats are not moving to the center. They are doubling down on the far left.

That was the unmistakable takeaway from Tuesday’s primary election results, and even the left-leaning outlet New Mexico In Depth is now acknowledging it.

In a post-primary analysis titled “Democrats are in a progressive mood,” New Mexico In Depth wrote that the political mood in a state where Democrats control every statewide office and hold commanding majorities in the Legislature “did not shift toward the center” on primary night. The outlet pointed to both the governor’s race and legislative primaries as proof that Democrat voters are embracing the progressive wing of the party.

At the top of the ticket, former Biden Interior Secretary Deb Haaland crushed Bernalillo County District Attorney Sam Bregman in the Democrat gubernatorial primary by a margin that surprised political observers. Veteran New Mexico pollster Brian Sanderoff noted during the Albuquerque Journal’s election night webcast that Haaland was even winning in traditionally more conservative Democrat areas.

“…even in Chaves County and Curry County, places where the Democrats are even conservative, Deb Haaland is ahead. She’s ahead in Roswell and she’s ahead in San Juan County,” Sanderoff said, according to New Mexico In Depth. “…how is it that Sam Bregman is even losing the most conservative counties in the state?”

Sanderoff said Haaland’s victory was not shocking, but the scale of it was.

The result confirms what conservatives have warned for years: the Democrat Party of New Mexico is no longer being driven by moderates or “commonsense” Democrats. It is increasingly dominated by the activist left.

New Mexico In Depth noted that more than 217,000 voters participated in the Democrat gubernatorial primary — nearly twice the roughly 120,000 who voted in the Republican gubernatorial primary. The outlet also reported that, as of 5 p.m. Election Day, almost 25,000 independent voters had participated in the Democrat primary.

For Republicans, that turnout gap is a warning sign heading into November. For conservatives, it is also a reminder that New Mexico’s growing far-left political machine is organized, motivated, and still largely unchecked in Santa Fe.

The legislative results were just as revealing.

New Mexico In Depth wrote that progressives “batted away well-funded centrist challengers,” won open seats, and in one high-profile case ousted a more moderate Democrat incumbent: Rep. Marian Matthews of Albuquerque.

Matthews lost her House District 27 Democrat primary to Abby Foster, a progressive challenger backed by the left. New Mexico In Depth described the race as the exception to the night’s general rule that incumbents are difficult to defeat, noting that progressives had targeted Matthews for the second election cycle in a row.

That result matters because Matthews was one of the few Democrats who occasionally presented herself as a “big tent” voice inside the party. Her defeat sends a clear message: even Democrats who merely appear too moderate are now vulnerable to the activist wing.

Other results reinforced the same trend.

In House District 69, progressive incumbent Michelle Abeyta defeated former Rep. Harry Garcia 68% to 32%, ending Garcia’s attempt to reclaim the seat after losing to Abeyta in 2024. In House District 70, progressive incumbent Anita Gonzales defeated former Rep. Ambrose Castellano 62% to 38%. Castellano had also been viewed as one of the more practical Democrats during his time in the Legislature.

In House District 41, Yolanda Jaramillo defeated Debbie Rodella 55% to 45% in another open-seat race. Rodella had previously served in the House from 1993 to 2018 before being ousted by progressive Rep. Susan Herrera. Jaramillo’s win kept that northern New Mexico seat in the hands of the newer progressive wing.

New Mexico In Depth also noted that progressive Democrats now control both chambers of the Legislature and that this control has been built over the past decade through primary races.

That is the real story for conservatives heading into November.

This election is not just about Haaland versus Republican nominee Gregg Hull. It is about whether New Mexico continues down a path of one-party progressive control — higher spending, anti-energy policies, weak-on-crime legislation, attacks on gun rights, abortion extremism, and more government control — or whether voters finally demand balance.

Hull won the Republican gubernatorial primary with 47% in a three-way race, a result New Mexico In Depth described as strong and one that suggested he likely would have won handily in a two-person contest.

But Republicans now face a difficult environment. Democrats are energized, progressives are ascendant, and the so-called moderate wing of the Democrat Party is losing ground.

For conservatives, the lesson is simple: New Mexico Democrats are not moderating. They are moving further left — and even their own media allies are admitting it.

Far-Left wins show who really runs NM Dems Read More »

Haaland vs. Hull is set — but Dems have a new problem

38 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

New Mexico’s 2026 primary election results are in, setting up a November governor’s race between Democrat Deb Haaland, Joe Biden’s former U.S. Interior secretary, and Republican Gregg Hull, the former mayor of Rio Rancho.

According to unofficial results from the New Mexico Secretary of State, all 2,204 precincts were fully reported as of early Wednesday morning, with 343,768 ballots cast statewide for a turnout of 24.41%. The results remain unofficial until certified.

Haaland easily defeated Bernalillo County District Attorney Sam Bregman in the Democrat primary, taking 156,861 votes, or 72%, to Bregman’s 60,189 votes, or 28%. KOB 4 projected Haaland the winner and reported that she used her victory speech in Old Town Albuquerque to promise a fight against President Donald Trump’s policies and influence.

“Are you ready to fight for healthcare? Are you ready to fight for safe communities? And are you ready to fight for our children’s education?” Haaland told supporters, according to KOB.

But the Democrat primary ended with a major fracture. Bregman told KOB he would not support Haaland in the general election.

“I will not be supporting Deb Haaland, no,” Bregman said.

Bregman said his refusal stemmed from Haaland’s campaign allegedly exposing his and his relatives’ home addresses. That public split could complicate Democrats’ attempts to unify heading into November, especially after a bitter primary that saw both candidates spend heavily while repeatedly invoking Trump to energize left-wing voters.

On the Republican side, Hull won a three-way primary with 56,412 votes, or 47%, defeating businessman Doug Turner, who received 44,319 votes, or 37%, and former state cabinet secretary and cannabis executive Duke Rodriguez, who finished with 19,288 votes, or 16%. The Associated Press reported that Haaland and Hull will now face off in November, with Hull campaigning on economic development, crime reduction, and ending one-party control in the state.

The lieutenant governor races also produced clear results. On the Democrat side, current far-left Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver defeated far-left state Sen. Harold Pope Jr. by a wide margin, 168,109 votes to 42,127, or 80% to 20%.

On the Republican side, state Sen. David Gallegos won the GOP nomination with 56,359 votes, or 50%, followed by Aubrey Blair Dunn with 42,752 votes, or 38%, and Manuel “Manny” Lardizabal with 14,147 votes, or 12%.

In the race for secretary of state, Doña Ana County Clerk Amanda López Askin defeated Santa Fe County Clerk Katharine Clark in the Democrat primary, 106,968 votes to 94,424, or 53% to 47%. Republican Ramona Goolsby was unopposed and received 96,149 votes.

The Democrat primary for commissioner of public lands also produced one of the night’s most decisive down-ballot results. Juan de Jesus Sanchez III defeated far-left state Rep. Matthew McQueen and Jonas Moya. Sanchez received 113,881 votes, or 56%, while McQueen received 66,232 votes, or 33%, and Moya finished with 21,988 votes, or 11%. Republican Michael Jack Perry was unopposed and received 96,683 votes.

In federal races, Democrat U.S. Sen. Ben Ray Luján defeated Matt Dodson, 180,516 votes to 33,883, or 84% to 16%. Republican write-in candidate Larry E. Marker received 4,770 votes, enough to secure his name on the November ballot, according to the unofficial results. In Congressional District 2, Democrat Gabe Vasquez was unopposed with 46,723 votes, while Republican Greg Cunningham defeated Jose Orozco, 26,673 votes to 4,870, or 85% to 15%, setting up a high-profile southern New Mexico race centered on crime, the border, and public safety.

The legislative results showed a continued leftward march in several Democrat primaries. In Albuquerque’s House District 27, incumbent Rep. Marian Matthews, viewed as one of the more moderate Democrats in the House, appears to have lost her nomination to far-left challenger Abby Foster. Unofficial results show Foster with 2,160 votes to Matthews’ 2,018, or 52% to 48%.

Other races showed progressive incumbents holding off more commonsense Democrat challengers. In House District 69, Rep. Michelle Paulene Abeyta defeated former Rep. Harry Garcia, 1,968 votes to 935, or 68% to 32%. In House District 70, Rep. Anita Gonzales defeated former Rep. Ambrose Castellano, 3,336 votes to 2,033, or 62% to 38%.

Those results matter because Democrats already hold large majorities in Santa Fe, and primary outcomes often determine how far left the caucus moves on issues such as crime, energy, taxes, gun rights, abortion, parental rights, and government spending.

There were also some notable Republican-side legislative results. In House District 66, unofficial results showed a possible recount, with Leanne Gandy narrowly leading Dan Lewis, 999 votes to 989, while Trinidad Malone received 230 votes.

The November ballot is now taking shape. Democrats will try to extend their control over every statewide office, while Republicans will argue New Mexico needs a course correction on crime, education, taxes, energy, border security, and economic growth.

Haaland enters the general election with national Democrat support and a progressive record from Washington. Hull enters as the Republican nominee arguing that New Mexico needs a break from one-party Democrat rule.

With Bregman refusing to endorse Haaland, McQueen losing badly in the Land Office race, Matthews apparently falling to a farther-left challenger, and Republicans nominating Hull, Gallegos, Perry, Cunningham, and others, the 2026 general election is now officially underway.

Haaland vs. Hull is set — but Dems have a new problem Read More »

Primary Election Day arrives in NM: Key races to watch

4 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Primary Election Day is here in New Mexico, and voters are choosing party nominees for governor, lieutenant governor, statewide offices, the Legislature, and more.

For conservatives, this year’s primary is especially important. New Mexico is choosing nominees in the race to replace term-limited Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham, while all 70 state House seats are also on the ballot.

Polls opened at 7:00 a.m. and close this evening at 7:00 p.m. across the state. voter info can be found here.

Governor

The top race is for governor.

On the Democrat side, Joe Biden’s former U.S. Interior Secretary Deb Haaland is facing Bernalillo County District Attorney Sam Bregman.

Haaland is the national progressive favorite and a former Biden Cabinet official. Bregman is running more heavily on his record as a prosecutor and has tried to make crime a major issue in the race. Both have spent heavily on TV ads and other communications to voters — usually negatively invoking President Trump in an attempt to activate far-left voters.

On the Republican side, former Rio Rancho Mayor Gregg Hull, businessman Doug Turner, and former state cabinet secretary Duke Rodriguez, a cannabis executive, are seeking the GOP nomination.

Hull is running on his executive experience as a former mayor. Turner has focused on business, education, and economic issues. Rodriguez has emphasized health care and has also challenged Gov. Lujan Grisham’s universal child care program in court.

Whoever wins the Republican primary will face a tough but critical general election fight in a state where Democrats currently control every statewide office.

Lieutenant governor

The lieutenant governor races are also competitive.

On the Democrat side, Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver is running against state Sen. Harold Pope Jr.

Toulouse Oliver is already a statewide officeholder, while Pope brings legislative and military experience.

On the Republican side, the candidates are Aubrey Blair Dunn, state Sen. David Gallegos, and Manuel Lardizabal.

Gallegos is a conservative state senator from southeastern New Mexico. Dunn comes from a well-known New Mexico political family. Lardizabal, a pastor, is also seeking the GOP nomination.

U.S. Senate and write-in candidates

Democrat U.S. Sen. Ben Ray Luján is seeking another term.

There is no Republican candidate printed on the primary ballot for U.S. Senate, but Larry E. Marker is running as a certified Republican write-in candidate. According to the Associated Press, Marker must receive enough valid write-in votes to qualify for the November ballot.

Other Republican write-in candidates for statewide office include Joshua James Jawrence for state auditor and James F. Ellison for state treasurer, according to the Republican Party of New Mexico.

Secretary of state

Another race conservatives should watch closely is the Democrat primary for secretary of state. Santa Fe County Clerk Katharine Clark and Doña Ana County Clerk Amanda López Askin are competing to become the Democrat nominee for New Mexico’s top elections office. Source New Mexico describes the race as a matchup between two county clerks.

The office is especially important because it oversees elections, campaign finance filings, ballot access, and the rules that shape how New Mexico elections are administered. With Maggie Toulouse Oliver running for lieutenant governor instead of the secretary of state job due to term limits, voters will see a new chief election official after November. On the Republican side, Ramona Goolsby, a retired nurse practitioner and veteran, is positioned as the GOP candidate for the general election.

Land commissioner

The Democrat primary for commissioner of public lands is also worth watching. The office controls the New Mexico State Land Office, which manages millions of acres of state trust land and plays a major role in oil and gas leasing, renewable energy development, grazing, conservation, and revenue for schools and other public institutions. KUNM noted that the office oversees roughly 9 million surface acres and 13 million subsurface acres held in trust for public institutions, and that oil and gas make up the overwhelming share of State Land Office revenue.

The Democrat race features state Rep. Matthew McQueen, Jonas Moya, and Juan de Jesus Sanchez III. McQueen entered as a little-known far-left legislator, and polling has suggested he may be in trouble, with Sanchez showing strength and Moya also competing for support. That makes the race one of the more unpredictable down-ballot Democratic contests on the primary ballot. Money has been but behind both candidates on the TV airwaves and elsewhere, with McQueen’s strategy to try to claim experience despite his looks (repeatedly says he would not ever win a “beauty contest”), while Sanchez has focused on his home-grown roots and New Mexico values. 

For conservatives, the race matters because the Land Office has enormous power over New Mexico’s energy economy. The next commissioner will influence how aggressively the state pursues oil and gas development, renewable energy projects, conservation restrictions, land swaps, and revenue generation for schools. On the Republican side, Michael Jack Perry, vice chair of the Chaves County Commission, is the GOP candidate who will advance to the general election. 

Legislature

All 70 seats in the New Mexico House of Representatives are up for election this year.

These races will decide whether Democrats keep their large majority in Santa Fe or whether Republicans can gain ground on issues like crime, education, taxes, energy, parental rights, and government accountability.

Several Democrat primaries are also worth watching because they show an internal fight inside the Democrat Party: more moderate, commonsense Democrats trying to hold ground against hard-left challengers, many backed by progressive groups or tied to pipelines such as Emerge New Mexico.

That divide is visible in races such as House District 70, where former Rep. Ambrose Castellano is challenging Rep. Anita Gonzales in a Democrat primary rematch. Castellano was one of the more commonsense Democrats in the House and opposed the socialist paid family leave bill before losing his seat to Gonzales in 2024.

Another key race is House District 69, where former Rep. Harry Garcia is trying to reclaim his seat from Rep. Michelle Paulene Abeyta. Garcia has been viewed as a more commonsense Democrat, while Abeyta represents the leftist wing of the party. The race is a rematch after Abeyta unseated Garcia in 2024.

Another Democrat primary to watch is House District 27 in Albuquerque, where incumbent Rep. Marian Matthews is facing progressive challenger Abby Foster. Matthews has branded herself as a “big tent Democrat” focused on practical solutions and has warned against the idea that there is only “one way to think” inside the Democrat Party, saying, “this is nonsense” and “it’s not one way or the highway.” Source New Mexico noted Matthews is seeking reelection against Foster in a district that has both Democrat and Republican primaries.

For conservatives, the race matters because Matthews has often been viewed as one of the more pragmatic Democrats in the House, while Foster represents the younger, farther-left activist wing trying to push the caucus further left. The winner of that Democrat primary will face either Republican Jahnelle Louise Garcia or Robert Godshall in November.

These races matter even for conservative voters in heavily Democrat districts. A hard-left primary winner can help push the Legislature further toward higher spending, anti-energy regulations, soft-on-crime policies, and more government control. A more moderate Democrat, while still a Democrat, may be less likely to rubber-stamp the most extreme parts of the progressive agenda.

One state Senate seat is also on the ballot. In Senate District 33, which includes parts of Otero, Chaves, and Lincoln counties, Republican Rex Wilson is running after being appointed to the seat. He does not have a Republican primary opponent but is expected to face a Democrat in the general election.

What is at stake

This primary comes as New Mexico continues facing serious problems: violent crime, fentanyl, weak education results, border concerns, high spending, and growing dependence on oil and gas revenue to fund big-government programs.

The governor’s race will determine whether voters get a clear contrast in November between the current progressive direction of the state and a more conservative approach focused on public safety, tax relief, school reform, and economic growth.

The legislative races matter, too. Even if Republicans do not win the governor’s office, gaining seats in the House could help slow or block far-left legislation in Santa Fe.

For official information about polling locations, sample ballots, and personalized voter details, readers should use the New Mexico Secretary of State’s voter portal here.

New Mexico voters have a lot on the line today — from the future of the governor’s office to the makeup of the Legislature and the direction of the state.

Primary Election Day arrives in NM: Key races to watch Read More »

Even supporters say MLG, Dems botched ‘universal child care’

22 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

New Mexico Democrats rushed to declare victory on “free” universal child care. Now, even supporters of the far-left policy idea are warning that the state’s big-government experiment is running headfirst into reality.

In a blistering new Vox article titled “How to screw up universal childcare,” Sara Mickelson, a former deputy cabinet secretary at New Mexico’s Early Childhood Education and Care Department and an avowed supporter of universal child care, warned that New Mexico’s program is becoming a national cautionary tale.

The article is not written from a conservative perspective. In fact, Mickelson openly praises the concept of universal child care, calling it the type of “bold, life-changing social policy” advocates have long wanted. But even she says New Mexico’s implementation has gone badly wrong.

“Unfortunately, the most ambitious new attempt at universal childcare in America right now is in danger of making a mistake that has derailed past efforts: throwing money at parents without providing enough care for them to spend it on,” Mickelson wrote for Vox.

That is the central flaw in Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s “free” (taxpayer-funded) child care scheme: the state opened the floodgates for taxpayer-funded demand, but failed to ensure there were enough child care providers, classrooms, workers, and infant-care slots to meet it.

According to Vox, New Mexico increased the number of children receiving child care assistance vouchers by 78% from 2019 to 2025. But over that same period, the state’s regulated child care capacity grew by just 1.9%, from 70,108 slots to 71,455.

In other words, Democrats handed out more taxpayer-funded promises while the actual supply of care barely budged.

Vox noted that the state’s own estimates showed New Mexico still needs nearly 16,000 physical child care slots and at least 5,000 new professionals to staff them. Those targets, according to the article, remain unmet.

Mickelson described the state’s approach as a “textbook policy failure,” writing that New Mexico prioritized “expanding demand-side subsidies” and giving parents vouchers for free child care, while failing to sufficiently increase the number of places where families can actually bring their children.

That means the program may be “universal” in politicians’ press releases, but not in the real world.

One early childhood leader in McKinley County told Vox, “There is universal childcare, but at the same time, there are not enough providers.” She added, “Although it’s universal, it really isn’t accessible across the board.”

The problem is especially severe for infants and toddlers, who require more adults per child and are therefore more expensive to care for. Vox cited Legislative Finance Committee data showing the share of children under age 2 enrolled in the state’s assistance program dropped from 21.3% in 2020 to just 11.6% in 2025.

The result is exactly what critics warned about: a massive new government entitlement that sounds generous on paper but does not magically create workers, buildings, classrooms, or quality care.

The financial picture is no better.

Senate Bill 241, the Democrat-backed universal child care law, allows lawmakers to appropriate up to $700 million between 2026 and 2031 from the Early Childhood Education and Care Fund, according to the governor’s office. The fiscal year 2027 budget includes a $160 million increase for child care assistance, bringing the total child care budget to $606 million, plus another $30 million over three years for wage scale and career ladder support.

But legislative analysts warned that the plan does not create a new recurring revenue source to match the ongoing costs. The fiscal impact report for SB 241 states the bill’s $700 million transfer authority supports “near-term expenditures” but “does not establish a new recurring revenue source aligned with the projected ongoing costs of the program,” leaving long-term funding as a future recurring liability. The report estimated the incremental funding gap needed to sustain the expansion could reach approximately $340 million to $400 million annually by the close of fiscal year 2029.

Searchlight New Mexico reported in May that the Early Childhood Education and Care Department started overspending just weeks into the expansion, with Legislative Finance Committee analysts warning that unexpected enrollment increases could complicate budgeting in future years and raise questions about the program’s sustainability.

Even the Associated Press noted that lawmakers left the door open to future copayments if public finances deteriorate, despite Democrats’ sales pitch of “free” care for families of all income levels.

That is the problem with government freebies: eventually, the bill comes due.

The governor and her allies claimed New Mexico would be a “national model” for early childhood care and education. But Vox’s critique suggests New Mexico may instead become a national warning sign — proof that politicians cannot simply declare something “free,” subsidize demand, and expect supply, quality, and affordability problems to disappear.

The article also pointed to failed or troubled rollouts in places like Quebec and South Korea, where governments rapidly expanded subsidies without first building enough supply and workforce capacity. According to Vox, those efforts produced consequences ranging from years-long waitlists to quality concerns.

To be clear, Vox’s author wants universal child care to work. That is what makes the criticism so damning. This is not a conservative opponent saying the idea is unaffordable, unrealistic, and poorly executed. This is a supporter of the concept warning that New Mexico’s version is built on the same mistakes that have caused similar schemes to falter elsewhere.

New Mexico Democrats sold universal child care as a landmark achievement. But families cannot enroll their children in a press release. They need actual providers. They need actual classrooms. They need actual workers. And taxpayers need a program that does not blow through hundreds of millions of dollars while still failing to deliver what politicians promised.

Even Vox is now saying the quiet part out loud: New Mexico’s “free” universal child care experiment is not living up to the hype.

Even supporters say MLG, Dems botched ‘universal child care’ Read More »

MLG tells Democrat men to stay home

16 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham raised eyebrows this week after telling a Democratic National Committee audience that Democrat women don’t need men to win elections — before quickly attempting to walk back the remark moments later.

Speaking Thursday before the Democratic National Committee’s Rules and Bylaws Committee in Washington, D.C., Lujan Grisham was helping make the case for moving New Mexico’s presidential primary earlier in the 2028 election cycle. During her remarks, however, it was an off-the-cuff comment about male voters that quickly drew attention online.

“If women, Democratic women, just show up and vote, we’re good. We don’t need any of the men,” Lujan Grisham said.

The governor immediately appeared to recognize the political problem with the statement and attempted to clarify.

“I want the men,” she added shortly afterward.

The comments came as Lujan Grisham discussed the Democrat Party’s ongoing struggles with certain voting blocs, particularly Hispanic men. During her presentation, she acknowledged that her own political coalition had shifted during her reelection campaign, citing frustrations among some Hispanic male voters over COVID-era policies and border-related issues.

The remarks quickly spread across social media, where critics seized on the governor’s initial statement.

Robby Starbuck, a Heritage Foundation visiting fellow and social media personality, shared a video of the exchange on X and mocked the governor’s message.

“Incredible. Just incredible. Democrats should definitely run on this message in 2026,” Starbuck wrote, accompanied by a laughing emoji.

The viral moment overshadowed much of the governor’s broader presentation, which was intended to persuade Democrat Party leaders that New Mexico deserves a prominent role in the next presidential nominating process.

According to reporting from Source New Mexico, Lujan Grisham and state Democrat Party officials argued that New Mexico is uniquely positioned to test Democratic messaging because it is a majority-minority border state with a significant rural population. Party officials highlighted concerns about Democrat erosion among Hispanic voters, especially Hispanic men, and argued that trends seen nationally are playing out in New Mexico as well.

State Democrat Party Executive Director Sean Ward told committee members that “the voters that we’re losing nationally are in New Mexico,” pointing specifically to border security concerns and changing voting patterns among Hispanic men.

Lujan Grisham also argued that immigration and border issues affect New Mexico differently than many other states, saying national conversations often fail to recognize the unique realities faced by Southwestern border communities.

But for many observers, those policy arguments were overshadowed by the governor’s comments about male voters.

The episode comes at a time when Democrats nationwide are grappling with declining support among working-class voters, rural voters, and men. Post-election analyses following the 2024 presidential election showed significant movement toward Republicans among Hispanic men and other demographic groups that Democrats have traditionally relied upon.

Ironically, Lujan Grisham’s own presentation acknowledged those challenges. Yet her suggestion that Democratic women alone could carry elections without men immediately became the headline moment of the event.

Whether intended as a joke, a moment of enthusiasm, or a serious political observation, the governor’s comments provided fresh ammunition to critics who argue that Democrats increasingly dismiss or alienate male voters.

MLG tells Democrat men to stay home Read More »

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