Renato Costa

WaPo report: NM flips to Republican if SAVE America Act enacted

12 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

A new analysis highlighted by the Washington Post is turning heads in New Mexico after concluding that the proposed federal SAVE America Act could dramatically reshape the state’s political future — with researchers suggesting New Mexico could become significantly more competitive for Republicans if proof-of-citizenship voter registration requirements are enacted nationwide.

The opinion analysis, authored by Yale Law School professor Ian Ayres and researcher Jacob Slaughter, argues that while the national partisan effect of the legislation may be negligible overall, New Mexico stands out as one of the few states where the impact could be substantial.

Their conclusion: New Mexico may be one of the clearest examples in the country of a state where stricter voter registration verification requirements could disproportionately affect Democratic voters.

According to the Washington Post piece, Democrats in New Mexico are estimated to be 13 percentage points less likely than Republicans to possess the documentary proof of citizenship that would be required under the SAVE America Act for new voter registrations.

That gap, the authors argue, could eventually create a 3.3-point Republican advantage in the state’s electorate over time as voters move, re-register, age into eligibility, or otherwise need to register anew.

In plain English: a state long viewed as reliably blue could become dramatically more competitive.

The SAVE America Act — backed by President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans — would require documentary proof of citizenship to register to vote in federal elections, such as a passport or birth certificate paired with photo ID.

Republicans have framed the bill as a common-sense election integrity measure designed to ensure only citizens vote in American elections.

But what makes the Washington Post’s analysis especially notable is that even critics of the bill are now openly acknowledging its potential political consequences for New Mexico.

The Post’s authors wrote that New Mexico is “the one clear exception” among major battleground and competitive states where the legislation appears likely to create a measurable Republican advantage.

That finding is already fueling new scrutiny over New Mexico’s voter registration system and raising broader questions about the composition of the state’s electorate.

The analysis also comes amid growing concern among Republicans about New Mexico’s recent shift to a semi-open primary system, which now allows declined-to-state voters to choose either party’s primary ballot.

Combined with longstanding debates over election security, automatic voter registration, and ballot access, the report is likely to intensify political battles over how elections are conducted in the Land of Enchantment.

Importantly, the SAVE America Act would not affect already-registered voters unless they need to re-register. But over time, researchers say the cumulative effect could materially alter the makeup of the electorate.

Nevada was the only other state identified by the Washington Post analysis as potentially seeing a significant Republican boost, though the projected shift there was smaller.

For New Mexico Republicans, the findings will likely reinforce arguments that the state is not inherently unwinnable — and that changes to election law and voter composition could reshape the map in coming years.

For Democrats, the report presents an uncomfortable data point from a left-leaning national outlet: the same publication criticizing the SAVE America Act is effectively acknowledging that New Mexico’s Democratic advantage may depend heavily on an electorate less likely to meet heightened citizenship-document standards.

Whether the SAVE America Act ultimately passes remains uncertain, with the legislation facing hurdles in the U.S. Senate, notably due to pushback from Senate Majority Leader John Thune, who has refused to take up the key voter integrity legislation in any meaningful way.

But one thing is now clear: according to even liberal legal analysts, if it does become law, New Mexico’s political future may look very different.

To contact GOP Leader John Thune and ask him to pass the SAVE America Act, his Washington, D.C. office number is (202) 224-2321.

WaPo report: NM flips to Republican if SAVE America Act enacted Read More »

Leftist forecast shrugs off GOP chances—but NM races tell much different story

10 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

A new forecast from The Economist is drawing national attention for predicting a near-certain Democratic takeover of the U.S. House in 2026. The model gives Democrats a 98% chance of winning the chamber, projecting a net gain of roughly 33 seats. At the same time, it shows a narrowly divided Senate, with Republicans holding a 53% chance of maintaining control.

But beneath those sweeping national conclusions lies a more complicated reality—especially in New Mexico, where on-the-ground political dynamics suggest far more competitive races than the model indicates.

NM-02: A “Safe” Seat—or a Sleeper Flip?

Perhaps the most glaring disconnect is in New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District. The Economist model assigns Democrat Gabe Vasquez a 99% chance of re-election, effectively removing the race from the competitive map.

Yet other respected forecasters tell a different story. The Cook Political Report rates NM-02 as EVEN on its Partisan Voting Index, meaning the district performs almost exactly in line with the national vote. That alone makes it one of the most competitive districts in the country. According to Sabato’s Crystal Ball, the seat “leans Democratic”

And there are clear signs Republicans are gearing up for a serious challenge. Republican candidate Greg Cunningham has secured a high-profile endorsement from Donald Trump—who carried the district in 2024—as well as backing from the entire U.S. House Republican leadership team. That kind of unified national support signals the GOP sees NM-02 as a real pickup opportunity, regardless of what national models suggest.

NM-03: Quietly Competitive?

In the 3rd Congressional District, long considered a Democratic stronghold, new developments are also challenging conventional wisdom.

Cook rates the district at just D+3, far from a safe margin. Now, Republican state Rep. Martin Zamora of Clovis is mounting a serious campaign against incumbent Teresa Leger Fernandez. In a notable early sign of strength, Zamora out-raised the incumbent in the previous fundraising quarter, suggesting his campaign is gaining traction both financially and politically.

That kind of fundraising momentum, combined with a relatively narrow partisan lean, could turn NM-03 into a race to watch—particularly if national conditions shift even slightly toward Republicans.

NM-01: Opportunity Emerging?

Even New Mexico’s 1st Congressional District may not be entirely off the table. While rated D+7 by Cook, the district has seen growing frustration among some voters with incumbent Melanie Stansbury.

Stansbury has drawn criticism for a series of social media controversies and polarizing rhetoric that some Republicans argue has embarrassed the state on a national stage. Questions have also been raised in conservative circles regarding alleged associations tied to broader figures connected to Ghislaine Maxwell, though such claims remain politically charged and disputed.

With speculation that a more formidable Republican challenger could emerge, NM-01 may at least become more competitive than in previous cycles.

Senate: Not as Quiet as It Looks

At the Senate level, The Economist model gives Democrat Ben Ray Luján a 94% chance of re-election, with a projected 57% vote share, suggesting a relatively stable race.

However, Republicans are not entirely absent from the contest. GOP candidate Larry Marker is mounting a write-in campaign and is positioning himself as a challenger to what supporters describe as entrenched, career political leadership in Washington. While write-in bids face structural hurdles, Marker’s entry adds another dimension to a race that national models have largely written off.

The Truth

While The Economist paints a picture of Democratic dominance in the House, its model may be over-reliant on national trends that fail to capture the granular realities of individual districts.

In New Mexico, those realities tell a more competitive story: a true swing district in NM-02, a narrowing margin in NM-03, and emerging questions even in NM-01. Add in strong Republican recruitment, fundraising momentum, and high-profile endorsements, and the state’s congressional map looks far less settled than a 98% national forecast might suggest.

If anything, New Mexico may prove to be a test case for whether national models—or local political realities—ultimately have the final say in 2026.

Leftist forecast shrugs off GOP chances—but NM races tell much different story Read More »

Immigration drops across NM — Many areas down over 50%

8 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

A new New York Times analysis of fresh U.S. Census Bureau estimates shows that net international immigration fell in every metro area in America in 2025, and New Mexico was no exception.

The national story was clear: after years of mass migration and border chaos, immigration numbers dropped sharply across the country as restrictions that began late in the Biden administration intensified under President Donald Trump. The Times reported that every metro area in the United States experienced lower immigration rates during the year leading up to July 2025 than in the previous year, with many areas seeing declines of more than 50 percent.

For New Mexico, the map tells a striking story. Cross-referencing the Times graphic with a county map of New Mexico shows that most of the state’s identifiable metro and micropolitan areas were in the darker category — meaning net international immigration fell by more than 50 percent.

Based on that graphic, the New Mexico counties or county-based areas that appear to fall into the “fell more than 50%” category include much of the state, particularly across the south, west, and central corridor. That appears to include San Juan, McKinley, Bernalillo, Sandoval, Valencia, Torrance, Doña Ana, Otero, Chaves, Eddy, Roosevelt, Curry, Luna, Grant, Hidalgo, Lea, and likely several other county-based areas shown in orange on the map.

By contrast, the lighter yellow category — meaning immigration still fell, but by less than 50 percent — appears to show only a small pocket in north-central New Mexico, most clearly aligning with Santa Fe County on the cross-reference.

A few areas in the New Mexico graphic appear unshaded or are not clearly distinguishable on the Times image, meaning they cannot be confidently assigned to either category from the map alone. But the broad takeaway is unmistakable: New Mexico saw a substantial drop in international immigration across nearly all of its visible metro and micropolitan regions, and in most of them the decline appears to have exceeded 50 percent.

That is a major change from the previous few years, when border states and nearby regions were absorbing much larger numbers of foreign arrivals.

Supporters of stricter immigration enforcement will likely view the numbers as evidence that stronger border controls and tougher federal policy are having the intended effect. After years of record illegal immigration, the sharp decline suggests the federal government is finally regaining some control over the border and over who enters the country.

That does not mean legal immigration is bad. Far from it. A strong, orderly, merit-based legal immigration system has long benefited the United States. But the 2025 numbers suggest that the era of uncontrolled mass inflows of illegal migrants is finally slowing.

The Times noted that some demographers worry lower immigration could reduce population growth, especially in large cities and older rural counties. But there is another side to that equation: rapid immigration surges also strain schools, hospitals, housing markets, law enforcement, and taxpayer-funded services.

For New Mexico, the new map suggests that the biggest immigration slowdown was not limited to one corner of the state. It was widespread.

In short, the New York Times graphic shows that international immigration fell across virtually all visible parts of New Mexico in 2025 — and in most of those areas, it appears to have fallen by more than half. After years of border disorder, that is a dramatic reversal.

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Dems try new legal tactic to shut down Otero County ICE facility

16 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

The Otero County Commission voted Wednesday night to once again extend its federal immigrant detention contract, setting up a growing legal battle with the State of New Mexico as a new law banning such agreements is set to take effect in May.

The unanimous vote extends the county’s agreement with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and private prison operator Management and Training Corporation (MTC), allowing the Otero County Processing Center in Chaparral to continue housing federal immigration detainees.

The move comes after the far-left Democrat-led New Mexico Department of Justice under Attorney General Raúl Torrez claimed that the county’s previous attempt earlier this month to extend the contract violated the state’s Open Meetings Act, rendering that earlier extension invalid, despite the meeting being completely legal and valid in every possible way.

During Wednesday’s meeting, Otero County Attorney R.B. Nichols told commissioners that the county was re-approving the agreement in an effort to address the state’s transparency concerns, while still disputing that the earlier emergency meeting had been unlawful. He also warned that the state had introduced a new legal argument just hours before the meeting, claiming the contract was void because it had not been approved by the New Mexico Department of Finance and Administration under the Joint Powers Agreements Act.

Nichols strongly rejected that claim, arguing the agreement with ICE is a federal contract governed by federal law, not a joint powers agreement between government entities. He also noted that similar ICE contracts in Otero, Torrance, and Cibola counties had never previously required state approval.

“The selective application of this theory on the afternoon of tonight’s meeting speaks for itself,” Nichols said during the meeting.

According to reporting from Source New Mexico, “In response to a Source NM question about whether Otero or other counties with ICE contracts have been required to receive state approval in the past, (NMDOJ Chief of Staff Lauren) Rodriguez said in an email late Wednesday evening that, ‘It is always incumbent upon local jurisdictions to follow the law. We will continue to monitor and review this process.’” 

At the center of the dispute is House Bill 9, passed during the 2026 legislative session, which bans local governments in New Mexico from entering into or renewing contracts to house federal immigration detainees. The law takes effect in May.

County officials say they must continue the ICE contract to pay off revenue bonds issued to build the detention facility nearly two decades ago. According to county officials, more than $60 million in bonds remain tied to the facility, and the contract revenue is the only source used to repay that debt.

Nichols warned that if the contract is voided and the revenue stream disappears, the bonds could go into default, potentially damaging the county’s credit rating and increasing borrowing costs for future projects such as roads, schools, and public safety infrastructure.

He also warned that if the facility were forced to close, the property could be foreclosed on and sold to a private company, which could then contract directly with ICE anyway — meaning the detention operations would continue, but the county would lose the facility and its revenue while local workers would still face disruption.

Public comment during the meeting included criticism from residents who said county officials should have planned ahead for the possibility that the state would eventually prohibit ICE detention contracts and should have developed alternative revenue sources earlier.

After the vote, the commission also re-approved a resolution allowing the county to hire outside legal counsel and then went into executive session to discuss potential litigation related to House Bill 9 and the Department of Justice’s actions.

The dispute between Otero County and the state is now likely headed toward a legal showdown over whether the county can continue its ICE contract and whether the state has the authority to block the agreement once House Bill 9 takes effect.

With hundreds of jobs, millions in county revenue, and the future of the detention facility at stake, the outcome of the legal fight could have major implications not only for Otero County but also for other New Mexico counties with similar federal detention agreements.

Watch Otero County’s special meeting here: 

Dems try new legal tactic to shut down Otero County ICE facility Read More »

From turf bans to AI rules: a look at what lawmakers have prefiled before session

8 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

With New Mexico’s 30-day legislative session set to convene on January 20, lawmakers have already begun shaping the policy agenda through a series of prefiled House bills. While prefiling does not guarantee that legislation will advance, it often signals which proposals leadership hopes to move quickly during the short session, where time constraints limit lengthy debate.

The early slate of bills touches on a wide range of issues, including landscaping mandates on state property, firearm restrictions tied to juvenile records, artificial intelligence regulation, public library oversight, lobbying disclosures, and agricultural property taxes. Together, they offer a preview of the policy direction lawmakers may pursue in the weeks ahead — and raise questions about cost, enforcement, and the expanding role of state government.

One of the more notable prefiled measures is House Bill 23, sponsored by Rep. Kathleen Cates (D-Rio Rancho). The bill would prohibit the installation of what it defines as “nonfunctional turf” on property managed by the General Services Department or the Legislative Council Service beginning in 2028. It further restricts irrigation of such turf to recycled or reclaimed water starting in 2033 and requires removed turf to be replaced with drought- or climate-resilient landscaping. “Nonfunctional turf” is defined as irrigated grass that “has no recreational purpose, is not accessible or is primarily decorative.” 

Unlike a similar proposal introduced during the 2025 session that would have applied to cities and counties statewide — and ultimately failed — the new bill is limited to state-managed property. Even so, the legislation includes a $3.5 million general fund appropriation to carry out its provisions, prompting scrutiny over whether landscaping decisions warrant new spending commitments.

Firearm policy is also part of the early agenda. House Bill 25, also sponsored by Cates, expands restrictions by treating certain juvenile delinquency dispositions involving firearms as criminal convictions for the purpose of firearm possession. The bill requires those records to be transmitted to the FBI’s National Instant Criminal Background Check System for up to ten years, regardless of whether the individual was sentenced as an adult.

Supporters describe the measure as a public safety tool, while critics argue it alters long-standing distinctions between juvenile adjudications and adult convictions.

Emerging technology regulation appears in House Bill 28, sponsored by Rep. Christine Chandler (D-Los Alamos). The bill enacts the “Artificial Intelligence Transparency Act,” requiring disclosure when artificial intelligence systems are used to make “consequential decisions” involving areas such as employment, housing, education, lending, health care, or legal services. It also mandates notice and appeal rights for consumers and imposes requirements on AI “companion products,” with violations classified as unfair trade practices.

The scope of the bill has raised questions about compliance costs and enforcement authority.

Cultural and governance issues surface in House Bill 26, which prohibits “book banning” at public libraries and conditions state funding on compliance. The bill restricts the removal of materials based on content or viewpoint and assigns enforcement to the state’s cultural affairs department, which would extend to even pornographic books and other inappropriate material that currently exists in public school libraries.

Other prefiled legislation includes House Bill 35, which expands lobbying disclosure requirements and mandates detailed reporting within 48 hours, with records preserved for at least ten years, which previously failed, and House Bill 37, which adjusts agricultural property tax valuation when water shortages result from man-made infrastructure failures in special water districts.

As lawmakers prepare to return to Santa Fe, these early filings offer a first look at the policy debates likely to unfold under the tight timelines of a 30-day session — and the balance the Legislature will strike between regulation, cost, and state oversight.

From turf bans to AI rules: a look at what lawmakers have prefiled before session Read More »

NM Senate Judiciary chairman smears ICE agents as modern-day Klansmen

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During a Tuesday meeting of the Legislative Courts, Corrections, and Justice Committee, state Sen. Joseph Cervantes (D-Las Cruces), chairman of the committee, compared federal immigration enforcement to the Ku Klux Klan. Cervantes chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee during the regular session.

The Ku Klux Klan, founded after the Civil War, is notorious as a violent white supremacist organization that lynched Black Americans and their allies, terrorized communities with cross burnings, and is widely recognized as the nation’s first terrorist group. Its bloody history of racial hatred and political violence is well documented.

In stark contrast, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents are federal law enforcement officers tasked with carrying out immigration laws passed by Congress and upheld by the courts. Many ICE agents now conceal their identities in public because of doxxing campaigns, harassment, and threats targeting both them and their families. Just last month, DHS reported that in San Francisco, ICE agents and their families were credibly threatened. It has not been reported that any Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers have covered their faces in New Mexico, although it is probably advisable, given the hostile legislative makeup of the state, which now equates them to the KKK. 

The committee’s agenda included a presentation titled “Enforcing Immigration and Civil Liberties — State and Local Government Roles and Risks.” Speakers were primarily from organizations that advocate for illegal immigrants, including Somos Un Pueblo Unido and the New Mexico Immigrant Law Center. An attorney from the New Mexico Association of Counties also spoke about potential county liability, and State Ethics Commission Director Jeremy Farris discussed a lawsuit his agency filed against the New Mexico Department of Corrections. That suit alleges the department shared information with ICE about three individuals — one with a single DWI charge, another with three DWIs, and a third with three counts of battery on a police officer.

At one point, a representative of the pro-illegal immigrant groups claimed that children were being “taken in the night” and deported despite supposed exemptions. Left unsaid was that many of these children were sent north by parents who abandoned them to human traffickers and cartels. Countless minors endure abuse — including sexual violence — while being smuggled into the United States.

Committee Democrats also expressed outrage that Curry County’s sheriff had signed an agreement with the federal government to serve warrants. Vice Chair Christine Chandler (D-Los Alamos), an attorney, declared: “I think it’s not right that we’re using state or public funds to be supporting these kinds of activities. I’m proud of how we, in the Legislature, have been responding to this assault on individuals who are in this country, many of them, most of them are not criminals. We know that to be the case—young people who are attempting… who are put on ICE airplanes in the middle of the night. Children who are returning to their countries are not criminals. And it’s a lie to try to posture in those ways. We are protecting the disenfranchised, and I’m very proud of that, and if we can find other ways to make sure that happens, I think we should be working on that.”

But the most incendiary comments came from Cervantes himself. Closing out the discussion, he said: “When children are being put on planes and people are being taken in the night and people are raiding mobile home parks and they are doing it with masks and, you know, something we haven’t seen since the KKK days, right? And so we’re in a place that we don’t want to be going.” Cervantes then vowed to fight deportations with lawsuits. Notably, Cervantes is a trial attorney himself.

By equating federal law enforcement officers upholding U.S. immigration law to one of America’s most violent hate groups, Cervantes revealed the extreme partisan lens through which New Mexico Democrats are approaching immigration policy — a position that undermines both public safety and respect for the rule of law.

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MLG plans to massively expand expensive socialist ‘free’ program

24 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Starting November 1, Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham plans to make New Mexico the first state in the nation to provide no-cost child care to every family, regardless of income. That means even millionaires’ children will be entitled to “free” (taxpayer-funded) daycare — all at the expense of hardworking taxpayers.

At a press conference in Santa Fe, the governor boasted that so-called “universal child care” is the “backbone” of her plan to support families. “There are so many people across the country that say [universal child care is] impossible — not impossible,” Lujan Grisham said, adding that she believes subsidizing care for all families will “lift New Mexico out of poverty.”

But the plan comes with an enormous price tag. New Mexico’s Early Childhood Education and Care Department already spends $463 million annually on subsidies. Expanding the program statewide will require at least another $120 million every year — pushing the total tab toward $600 million in recurring spending. The governor says she will ask lawmakers during the upcoming 30-day session to cover the shortfall.

Currently, families earning up to 400% of the federal poverty level — roughly $106,600 for a family of three — already qualify for free care. The new rule removes those limits entirely, opening the program to every household, regardless of wealth. “This amounts to an average annual family savings of $12,000 per child,” the governor’s office admitted in a release, underscoring just how much taxpayers are expected to shoulder for families who could easily afford care on their own.

Critics are warning of the consequences. Sen. George Muñoz (D-Gallup), chair of the powerful Senate Finance Committee, questioned how the governor expects to sustain such massive recurring costs. “I don’t know how they’re going to explain that to people when they don’t have the money to pay for everyone’s child care,” Muñoz said.

The Legislative Finance Committee has also cautioned that expanding eligibility disproportionately benefits higher-income families, leaving fewer resources for low-income, at-risk children. House Republicans have blasted the program as “nannies for millionaires,” writing:

“New Mexico already provides free child care for families up to 400% of the federal poverty level. Now Democrats want taxpayers to subsidize childcare for the wealthy, while ignoring real emergencies like our doctor shortage, failing CYFD, and rising crime. Gov. Lujan Grisham is out of touch with what New Mexico families are actually facing.”

Despite these warnings, the governor brushed aside concerns, claiming wealthy families won’t really use the program. “They’re not going to use this system by and large, so why develop a system that works just in that way?” she said, according to the Santa Fe New Mexican report by Daniel Chacón. Yet her own administration admits the plan will add thousands of new slots — and demands more construction spending to build facilities to handle the expansion.

In total, the governor’s “universal” scheme represents a quarter-billion-dollar hike in taxpayer obligations, with no guardrails to prevent subsidizing the childcare of the rich. Meanwhile, pressing crises like New Mexico’s failing child welfare agency, doctor shortages, and rising crime continue to go unaddressed.

For Lujan Grisham, though, “universal” means everyone — even millionaires’ kids. For New Mexicans, it means a bigger bullseye on their paychecks to cover the growing cost of government handouts.

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Two NM Dems quit Fair Districts Task Force to side with leftist gerrymandering

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The ongoing redistricting fight in Texas spilled into New Mexico this week, as two Albuquerque Democrats abruptly resigned from the state’s Fair Districts Task Force. But Republicans were quick to point out the glaring irony: the very same party now decrying Texas for “rigging” its maps just finished gerrymandering New Mexico to erase conservative voices.

On Monday, State Sen. Harold Pope and State Rep. Cristina Parajón announced they were stepping down from the panel, citing GOP efforts in Texas as a reason for federal intervention.

“Fairness is not changing the rules in the middle of the game because you’re suddenly afraid you might lose, as Trump is doing in Texas,” Parajón said. She added, “And fairness is not trying to play professional baseball with wiffle ball bats.”

Pope likewise declared that “the state-by-state approach to independent redistricting will only make the playing field more uneven. To protect the free and fair elections that are the bedrock of our democracy, we need strong national legislation to end partisan gerrymandering once and for all.”

But Republicans were quick to slam the move as nothing more than political theater. Sen. Jay Block, R-Rio Rancho, who still serves on the task force, accused Democrats of breathtaking hypocrisy.

“Senator Pope actually had the audacity to claim that Texas leaders are using their power to ‘systematically disenfranchise communities of color and redraw maps that protect their own political survival,’ ” Block said. “Where was his concern when his own party — led by a white, male Speaker of the House — targeted several Republican districts in New Mexico, particularly those held by two minority women: former State Representative Jane Powdrell-Culbert (a black woman) and former Congresswoman Yvette Herrell (a Native American woman)?”

Following the 2020 census, Democrats used their control of the legislature and governorship to redraw district lines in a way that broke up conservative-leaning areas. Those changes directly contributed to Republicans losing congressional representation, leaving New Mexico with an all-Democrat delegation today.

Now, with Republicans in Texas attempting to strengthen their own position, Democrats are suddenly calling foul. The juxtaposition, Block argued, proves the party is only interested in “fairness” when it benefits them politically.

Parajón tried to spin her resignation as a principled stand, saying in a phone interview that “the rules are being changed halfway through the game, and it was going to be very hard for me to go to a meeting tomorrow, flirting around this topic of redistricting without addressing the real issue at hand, that this is a national issue that is not being addressed.”

Yet Republicans say the “real issue” is not Texas, but New Mexico Democrats’ own gerrymander. By splitting conservative communities like Hobbs and Roswell and carving up Republican districts, they ensured their political survival at the expense of voter choice.

The resignation of Pope and Parajón may grab headlines, but for many in New Mexico, it only highlights the double standard: Democrats had no problem manipulating maps when it secured them power at home, but they are now crying foul when Texas plays by the same rules.

Two NM Dems quit Fair Districts Task Force to side with leftist gerrymandering Read More »

MLG melts down after GOP slams her crime session as ‘political rerun’

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With violent crime continuing to plague New Mexico communities, far-left Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has called for a special legislative session expected in early September — and sparked a political firestorm in the process.

House Republicans blasted the governor’s attorney’s announcement last week, accusing her of using the session to rehash failed proposals and shift blame rather than deliver real solutions. In a post on X, House GOP Leader Gail Armstrong criticized the move as a “political rerun,” pointing out that the governor’s crime bills didn’t even get a vote during the 60-day regular session earlier this year nor during her failed three-hour special session last year, which ended up with nothing passed, as the Democrats decided to gavel out after passing the “feed bill” to fund the session. The GOP caucus argued that holding a costly special session to push the same rejected policies is a waste of taxpayer money.

They also raised concern over what they called the governor’s “dismantling” of enforcement tools at the state and federal level — a reference to her controversial push to close immigration detention facilities — warning that such moves only weaken law enforcement’s ability to combat drug trafficking and organized crime. Such a policy would immediately crush thousands of good-paying jobs for New Mexicans and simply result in these criminal aliens being shipped to Texas or other areas, such as Guantanamo Bay and Alligator Alcatraz.

Rather than addressing the policy criticisms directly, Lujan Grisham took to social media to scold Republicans, calling it “astounding” that any lawmaker would be reluctant to “come to the table.” She accused the GOP of political gamesmanship and insisted she was open to working across the aisle.

The House GOP quickly fired back, pointing out that Republicans have been sounding the alarm on crime for years — long before the governor’s latest pivot, which has come during the waning days of her governorship as she belts out her final swan song to save her political facade. They highlighted proposals they’ve repeatedly introduced, including reforms to juvenile justice, stricter penalties for violent repeat offenders, and bail system changes that keep dangerous criminals off the streets — measures they say the governor and her progressive allies have consistently ignored or blocked.

Adding to the pressure, Senate Republicans weighed in as well, bluntly stating that Democrats have refused “every measure to improve public safety,” despite years of rising crime rates under one-party control in Santa Fe.

The governor’s proposed special session appears to center on just two bills — both of which failed to move forward during the regular session, even with Democrat majorities in both chambers. One proposal would allow local governments to impose curfews, while the other is aimed at broadening pretrial detention for certain offenses. Notably absent are serious reforms to sentencing, repeat offender accountability, or juvenile justice — all issues Republicans have prioritized.

With growing frustration from law enforcement, communities, and even members of her own party, Lujan Grisham’s decision to revive previously rejected bills has sparked questions about whether this special session is truly about crime — or simply about optics.

New Mexicans remain desperate for action, but critics say if the governor’s approach doesn’t change, the session will end just like the last one — with no real solutions and crime still on the rise.

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‘Political theater’? Dem lawmaker shrugs as malpractice costs drive NM docs. out

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In a recent opinion column published by The Albuquerque Journal, Democrat State Rep. Liz Thomson dismissed growing concerns over New Mexico’s medical malpractice system as nothing more than “political theater” and a “phantom problem.” But physicians across the state—and hard data—tell a very different story.

Thomson, an Albuquerque progressive who chairs the House Health and Human Services Committee, doubled down on her opposition to medical malpractice reform, arguing that the real causes of the physician shortage are insufficient pay, student debt, and lack of housing support.

“Now that the gutting of Medicaid makes it more important and urgent than ever that we stop debating phantom problems and focus our attention on the real challenge: ensuring every New Mexican has timely access to quality medical care,” Thomson wrote.

She added, “It doesn’t point fingers at patient advocates and it doesn’t propose solutions that harm a patient’s access to justice,” implying that efforts to reform the state’s high-risk medical malpractice climate are unjustified and unnecessary.

But doctors, hospital administrators, and business owners have warned for years that New Mexico’s out-of-control malpractice insurance costs—particularly after the 2021 amendments to the Medical Malpractice Act—are creating a dangerous climate for providers.

What the Data Shows

Since 2021, when the Legislature raised the liability cap for independent outpatient healthcare facilities from $600,000 to $750,000 (and ultimately up to $1 million by 2027), malpractice insurers have fled the state. The Doctors Company, once a major provider of malpractice insurance in New Mexico, withdrew from covering independent outpatient facilities altogether.

A 2022 report from the New Mexico Medical Society found that more than 100 doctors left the state in just one year, citing skyrocketing premiums and the threat of unlimited personal liability.

In 2023, more than two dozen clinics warned they were planning to close or stop offering high-risk procedures such as OB-GYN and emergency care due to unaffordable coverage. Many providers reported malpractice premiums doubling or tripling after the law changed.

The American Medical Association has consistently ranked New Mexico as one of the most “medico-legally hostile” states in the country, making it one of the hardest places to recruit and retain specialty physicians.

And it’s not just anecdotal. In 2024, the LFC’s own staff acknowledged in testimony that high liability exposure—especially for independent providers—was contributing to the exodus of physicians, particularly in rural areas.

The Consequences

Patients are feeling the effects. Expectant mothers in southeastern New Mexico must now travel hours to find OB-GYN care, and some small hospitals report being unable to find coverage for anesthesia or emergency surgery on certain days.

Meanwhile, Rep. Thomson continues to reject malpractice reform as mere “misinformation.” Her dismissal of these urgent warnings as a “phantom problem” may be politically convenient, but for doctors and patients alike, it’s a very real crisis.

Unless lawmakers take immediate steps to restore balance and fairness to the medical malpractice system, New Mexico risks losing even more of its already limited health care workforce.

‘Political theater’? Dem lawmaker shrugs as malpractice costs drive NM docs. out Read More »

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