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Lujan Grisham finally appoints name for vacated southern NM state Senate seat

6 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

After weeks of mounting pressure from Republicans and just days before the start of New Mexico’s 30-day legislative session, Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham on Tuesday announced her appointment to fill the long-vacant Senate District 33 seat in southern New Mexico.

The governor selected Rex Wilson of Ancho to serve as state senator for District 33, which includes Lincoln, Otero, and Chaves counties. The announcement came only after repeated public calls from Republicans urging the governor to act before the looming capital outlay deadline and the start of session, arguing that continued delays were disadvantaging a heavily Republican district.

The seat has been vacant since the resignation of former Sen. Nicholas Paul more than two months ago. During that time, multiple candidates were reportedly vetted and interviewed, but no appointment was made, prompting criticism that the governor was intentionally stalling for political reasons.

Earlier this week, the Republican Party of New Mexico issued a sharp press release demanding that Lujan Grisham nominate a replacement by the end of the week, warning that continued inaction would leave District 33 without a voice during one of the most consequential legislative sessions in years. Republicans specifically pointed to the January 12 capital outlay deadline, noting that without a sitting senator, communities in the district risked losing out on critical infrastructure funding.

“There’s really no excuse for the governor to stall this nomination,” said RPNM Executive Director Leticia Muñoz in the release. “This will hurt the people of SD-33 if they do not have representation by the capital outlay deadline.”

Within days of that pressure, the governor made her decision.

Wilson, a former two-term Lincoln County commissioner, brings a background in healthcare administration and rural advocacy to the Senate. According to the announcement, he spent 18 years working as a healthcare administrator and previously directed early childhood services at Presbyterian Health Services. He is also a multigenerational rancher and the founder of Camp Sierra Blanca at Fort Stanton, an alternative education program for at-risk youth.

Senate Republican Leader Bill Sharer (R-Farmington) praised the appointment, saying Wilson would be a strong addition to the caucus and emphasizing the importance of restoring representation to the district ahead of session.

“I extend my gratitude and congratulations to Rex Wilson, who will do a fantastic job serving the people of Senate District 33,” Sharer said. “I am pleased that New Mexicans in Senate District 33 will have representation heading into this upcoming Legislative Session.”

Wilson echoed that sentiment in his own statement, saying he was “humbled and honored” by the appointment and eager to get to work.

“I look forward to getting meaningful things done for my fellow community members and the citizens of our great state of New Mexico,” Wilson said.

NM State Sen. Rex Wilson (R-Ancho, District 33)

The appointment follows a competitive selection process that included several high-profile Republican contenders, including Rep. John Block (R-Alamogordo) and Lincoln County Commissioner Martin Fisher, who were selected by Otero and Lincoln Counties, respectively.

In a statement following the announcement, Block struck a defiant tone, emphasizing that while he was not selected, his resolve and convictions remain unchanged.

“The appointment has been made, but the people have already chosen me,” Block said. “I will keep fighting in the House: louder, stronger, and without apology. No, I wasn’t selected, not because of ability, but because standing firm for conservative values comes with a political cost. I won’t compromise who I am to gain a title. I don’t need permission to lead. This wasn’t a setback. It was confirmation. I’m not going anywhere — and I’m just getting started.”

With the appointment finalized, Senate District 33 will now enter the 2026 legislative session with representation — albeit after what Republicans argue was an unnecessary delay that forced the governor’s hand under public pressure.

Editor’s Note: State Rep. Block is the editor and founder of the Piñon Post.

Lujan Grisham finally appoints name for vacated southern NM state Senate seat Read More »

From turf bans to AI rules: a look at what lawmakers have prefiled before session

8 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

With New Mexico’s 30-day legislative session set to convene on January 20, lawmakers have already begun shaping the policy agenda through a series of prefiled House bills. While prefiling does not guarantee that legislation will advance, it often signals which proposals leadership hopes to move quickly during the short session, where time constraints limit lengthy debate.

The early slate of bills touches on a wide range of issues, including landscaping mandates on state property, firearm restrictions tied to juvenile records, artificial intelligence regulation, public library oversight, lobbying disclosures, and agricultural property taxes. Together, they offer a preview of the policy direction lawmakers may pursue in the weeks ahead — and raise questions about cost, enforcement, and the expanding role of state government.

One of the more notable prefiled measures is House Bill 23, sponsored by Rep. Kathleen Cates (D-Rio Rancho). The bill would prohibit the installation of what it defines as “nonfunctional turf” on property managed by the General Services Department or the Legislative Council Service beginning in 2028. It further restricts irrigation of such turf to recycled or reclaimed water starting in 2033 and requires removed turf to be replaced with drought- or climate-resilient landscaping. “Nonfunctional turf” is defined as irrigated grass that “has no recreational purpose, is not accessible or is primarily decorative.” 

Unlike a similar proposal introduced during the 2025 session that would have applied to cities and counties statewide — and ultimately failed — the new bill is limited to state-managed property. Even so, the legislation includes a $3.5 million general fund appropriation to carry out its provisions, prompting scrutiny over whether landscaping decisions warrant new spending commitments.

Firearm policy is also part of the early agenda. House Bill 25, also sponsored by Cates, expands restrictions by treating certain juvenile delinquency dispositions involving firearms as criminal convictions for the purpose of firearm possession. The bill requires those records to be transmitted to the FBI’s National Instant Criminal Background Check System for up to ten years, regardless of whether the individual was sentenced as an adult.

Supporters describe the measure as a public safety tool, while critics argue it alters long-standing distinctions between juvenile adjudications and adult convictions.

Emerging technology regulation appears in House Bill 28, sponsored by Rep. Christine Chandler (D-Los Alamos). The bill enacts the “Artificial Intelligence Transparency Act,” requiring disclosure when artificial intelligence systems are used to make “consequential decisions” involving areas such as employment, housing, education, lending, health care, or legal services. It also mandates notice and appeal rights for consumers and imposes requirements on AI “companion products,” with violations classified as unfair trade practices.

The scope of the bill has raised questions about compliance costs and enforcement authority.

Cultural and governance issues surface in House Bill 26, which prohibits “book banning” at public libraries and conditions state funding on compliance. The bill restricts the removal of materials based on content or viewpoint and assigns enforcement to the state’s cultural affairs department, which would extend to even pornographic books and other inappropriate material that currently exists in public school libraries.

Other prefiled legislation includes House Bill 35, which expands lobbying disclosure requirements and mandates detailed reporting within 48 hours, with records preserved for at least ten years, which previously failed, and House Bill 37, which adjusts agricultural property tax valuation when water shortages result from man-made infrastructure failures in special water districts.

As lawmakers prepare to return to Santa Fe, these early filings offer a first look at the policy debates likely to unfold under the tight timelines of a 30-day session — and the balance the Legislature will strike between regulation, cost, and state oversight.

From turf bans to AI rules: a look at what lawmakers have prefiled before session Read More »

GOP candidate touts DTS primary law upon qualifying for governor’s race ballot

7 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

The campaign of Republican gubernatorial candidate Duke Rodriguez announced this week that it has exceeded the number of signatures required to qualify for New Mexico’s June 2 Republican primary. It is unclear at this time which other GOP campaigns have also crossed the threshold. 

Under New Mexico election law, Republican candidates for governor must collect at least 2,351 signatures from registered Republicans — a figure equal to 2 percent of Republicans who voted in the last gubernatorial primary. Rodriguez’s campaign said it had gathered more than 6,000 total signatures.

According to the campaign, nearly 5,000 of those signatures came from registered Republicans who personally accessed the Secretary of State’s online system, verified their voter information, and formally declared their nominee. 

“This wasn’t about checking a box. It was about earning trust,” Rodriguez said in a statement. “Every signature represents a real person who took time to participate, engage, and make their voice heard. That matters.”

While the signature requirement applies only to registered Republicans, the upcoming primary will be the first conducted under New Mexico’s semi-open primary system — a significant change to the state’s electoral process. As of Dec. 31, 2025, voters registered as Decline to State or unaffiliated made up more than 27 percent of New Mexico’s electorate.

Under the new law, unaffiliated voters will, for the first time, be able to choose either a Republican or Democrat ballot and participate directly in primary elections. Rodriguez applauded the law change, saying his campaign views it as an opportunity to broaden engagement and bring new voices into the process.

“When you look at the names behind those signatures — Smith and Johnson, Williams and Brown, Garcia, Martinez, and Rodriguez, Begay and Yazzie — you see the full story of New Mexico,” Rodriguez said. “Different roots, different experiences, but shared values and shared hopes for the future of this state.”

Rodriguez emphasized that his campaign is focused on inclusivity and respect for voters across party lines, particularly independents.

With ballot access now secured, the Rodriguez campaign says it will shift its focus toward statewide voter outreach, messaging, and coalition-building ahead of the June 2 primary election.

GOP candidate touts DTS primary law upon qualifying for governor’s race ballot Read More »

ABQ wokies, NM House speaker melt down after Maduro capture by Trump

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Far-left activists in Albuquerque and New Mexico House Speaker Javier Martínez (D-Albuquerque) erupted in protests and online tirades over the weekend following the dramatic capture of Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro, exposing what critics describe as another public meltdown fueled by none other than what many call “Trump Derangement Syndrome.”

According to reporting by KOAT-TV, demonstrations broke out in Albuquerque and other U.S. cities after U.S. officials confirmed Maduro and his wife were taken into custody during a late-night operation. Protesters in New Mexico condemned the move, despite Maduro facing long-standing U.S. indictments alleging narco-terrorism, drug trafficking, and collaboration with foreign terrorist organizations. Interestingly, it was Joe Biden who raised the bounty for Maduro’s arrest to $25 million in 2025 before leaving office — which was later increased to $50 million by President Trump.

“Regardless of what Maduro has done, I don’t think the situation is just, and I don’t think America has the right to act as global policemen,” one Albuquerque protester told KOAT during a march that began near Robinson Park and continued toward Civic Plaza, despite many of them supporting armament of Ukraine against Russia’s invasion and other global wars. The actions in Venezuela were not in any way acts of war, and if they were, there would be counter-offensives. However, those don’t exist.

U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez of the Second Congressional District erroneously claimed Trump committed an “act of war” in a lengthy statement, equating the capture of the bloodthirsty Venezuelan dictator to wars in the Middle East.

Hundreds of demonstrators carried picket signs and chalked slogans along city sidewalks, arguing that the United States acted unlawfully and accusing the federal government of misusing taxpayer dollars. Protester Samuel Walling told KOAT he believed the operation had nothing to do with crime or security.

“I mean, supposedly terrorism, but we’re mainly there to get oil,” Walling said, without evidence. “That’s how I see it personally.”

While activists in New Mexico decried the operation, KOAT reported that reactions elsewhere in the country were far more supportive. In Pasadena, California, Venezuelan expatriate Amara Barroeta described the moment as long-awaited accountability for a regime accused of crushing political opposition and fueling international drug trafficking.

“This is a moment that we have been waiting for for many, many years,” Barroeta told KOAT. “We’ve fought for many years for our freedom, and we’re glad that there’s help.”

Back in New Mexico, protesters also argued that federal funds should be spent domestically rather than on international enforcement actions. “A bunch of people at this park right now are literally homeless,” protester Keegan Kloer said. “I think that’s a terrible way to spend money,” according to KOAT’s coverage. It is unclear if Kloer and others will denounce the wasted funds on global freebies, such as those with the now-defunct USAID alleged grifting scheme, which was dismantled by President Trump.

But the loudest reaction came not from the streets, but from the Roundhouse.

House Speaker Javier Martínez unleashed a social media tirade, calling the capture a “kidnapping” and accusing President Trump of acting out of greed and distraction rather than law enforcement.

“This isn’t about drugs. It’s not even about Maduro being a dictator,” Martínez wrote on Facebook. “This is about Venezuela’s oil… Period.”

In a follow-up post, Martínez escalated his rhetoric further, calling Trump and his administration “reckless” and “idiotic,” while speculating—without evidence—that Cuba would be “next.”

Critics quickly pointed out that Martínez’s statements ignore the unsealed federal indictment against Maduro, which alleges decades of large-scale cocaine trafficking into the United States, partnerships with cartels and terrorist groups, and the use of Venezuela’s government infrastructure to facilitate narco-terrorism.

As protests continue and Democrat leaders, such as Second Congressional District U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez, remain openly hostile to the operation, the divide in New Mexico mirrors a broader national split—between those who view Maduro’s capture as overdue accountability and those who appear more outraged by Trump than by the alleged crimes of a foreign drug lord now facing U.S. justice.

ABQ wokies, NM House speaker melt down after Maduro capture by Trump Read More »

Not just a dictator: fed indictment lays out explosive case against Maduro

8 Comments / National, New Mexico, News / By

The unsealed federal indictment against Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro provides a sweeping and damning account of what U.S. prosecutors describe as a decades-long narco-terrorist enterprise run at the highest levels of the Venezuelan government—an operation allegedly designed to flood the United States with cocaine while enriching Maduro, his family, and his inner circle.

Filed in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, the superseding indictment accuses Maduro and senior regime officials of conspiring with foreign terrorist organizations and violent drug cartels to traffic thousands of tons of cocaine into the United States over more than 25 years. Prosecutors allege that drug trafficking was not incidental corruption, but rather the operating system of the Venezuelan state itself.

“For over 25 years, leaders of Venezuela have abused their positions of public trust and corrupted once-legitimate institutions to import tons of cocaine into the United States,” the indictment states. It adds that Maduro “partnered with his co-conspirators to use his illegally obtained authority and the institutions he corroded to transport thousands of tons of cocaine to the United States.”

Unlike many international drug cases, the indictment repeatedly emphasizes intent to harm the United States, elevating the charges beyond narcotics trafficking into the realm of narco-terrorism. Prosecutors allege that Maduro and his allies knowingly provided material support to U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organizations, including Colombia’s FARC and ELN, as well as transnational criminal groups such as the Sinaloa Cartel, Los Zetas, and Tren de Aragua.

The document describes Venezuela as a “safe haven” for traffickers, protected by corrupt military and intelligence officials known collectively as the Cartel de los Soles—a reference to the sun insignia worn by Venezuelan generals. By 2020, the U.S. State Department estimated that 200 to 250 tons of cocaine were being trafficked through Venezuela annually.

The indictment contains striking allegations involving Maduro’s immediate family. Prosecutors claim his wife, Cilia Flores, accepted bribes and facilitated cocaine flights, while his son—known as “Nicolasito” or “The Prince”—personally coordinated shipments to Miami and New York using state-owned aircraft. In one instance, Maduro’s relatives allegedly discussed raising $20 million in drug proceeds to fund political campaigns.

Several passages describe extreme violence allegedly ordered or protected by the regime, including kidnappings, beatings, murders, and the use of machine guns, grenades, and destructive devices in furtherance of the conspiracy.

Legal experts note that the structure of the case mirrors prior U.S. prosecutions of global criminal enemies. The charges against Maduro closely resemble the narco-terrorism case used to dismantle Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán’s Sinaloa Cartel leadership, as well as terrorism statutes used to prosecute leaders of Islamic State who never personally set foot in the United States.

Notably, the indictment repeatedly labels Maduro as the “de facto but illegitimate ruler” of Venezuela and alleges that drug trafficking continued through disputed elections and internationally condemned power grabs. Prosecutors argue that Maduro used arrests of lower-level officials to deflect scrutiny while preserving the core criminal enterprise.

The indictment includes four major counts: narco-terrorism conspiracy, cocaine importation conspiracy, possession of machine guns and destructive devices, and firearms conspiracy—each carrying severe penalties, including potential life imprisonment. It also seeks sweeping forfeiture of assets tied to the alleged crimes.

As debate continues over the legality of the recent U.S. operation that resulted in Maduro’s capture, the indictment provides critical context: the United States has long viewed Maduro not merely as a foreign autocrat, but as the alleged leader of a hostile criminal network deliberately targeting Americans through drugs, violence, and terror.

Luján compared to Venezuela’s Maduro for tortilla video: ‘He too likes to eat on camera while other people starve’

Not just a dictator: fed indictment lays out explosive case against Maduro Read More »

Trump arrests Venezuelan dictator Maduro, NM Dems lose their minds

26 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

New Mexicans across the political spectrum reacted swiftly and sharply Saturday following confirmation that U.S. forces captured Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro and his wife in a dramatic overnight operation in Caracas—an event that immediately ignited debate in Washington and reverberated throughout the Land of Enchantment.

President Donald Trump announced the successful operation early Saturday, stating that U.S. military and law-enforcement personnel worked in coordination to take Maduro into custody and remove him from Venezuela. The White House said additional details would be released later in the day. Reports from international outlets indicated multiple explosions in Caracas and the presence of U.S. special operations aircraft in the early morning hours, including the potential elimination of the Mausoleum of Hugo Chávez in Caracas.

In New Mexico, Democrat members of the state’s congressional delegation were quick to condemn the action as unlawful and dangerous. Rep. Teresa Leger Fernández blasted the operation in a series of posts on X, accusing President Trump of misplaced priorities and misleading the public.

“Americans don’t want a military intervention in a foreign country—we want affordable healthcare and housing,” Leger Fernández wrote, arguing that the president acted without congressional authorization. While acknowledging that Maduro is “a dictator and narco criminal,” she accused Trump of hypocrisy, citing past pardons of drug offenders and claiming Republicans in Congress should be “outraged” by the lack of consultation.

Rep. Melanie Stansbury echoed those criticisms, asserting that the strikes were unconstitutional and demanding immediate congressional action. “The President does not have the authority to declare war or undertake large-scale military operations without Congress,” Stansbury wrote. She also amplified comments from Massachusetts Democrat James McGovern, who claimed the operation lacked public support and questioned the administration’s spending priorities.

As of Saturday morning, other prominent New Mexico Democrats—including Sens. Martin Heinrich and Ben Ray Luján, as well as Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham—had not yet issued public statements.

Republican reaction in New Mexico was notably different. State Rep. John Block of Alamogordo, who is also the editor of the Piñon Post, celebrated the news on social media, reposting President Trump’s announcement and writing, “I LOVE THIS!!!!!” In another post, Block shared an image of Maduro’s capture alongside the comment, “2026 is the best,” signaling strong approval of the operation and its broader implications for U.S. foreign policy. He also criticized media coverage that appeared sympathetic to the Venezuelan regime, noting alignment with narratives pushed by U.S. adversaries such as Russia and Iran.

As details continue to emerge, the capture of Nicolás Maduro has already become a flashpoint in New Mexico politics—highlighting stark divisions over presidential authority, U.S. intervention abroad, and the balance between constitutional process and decisive action on the world stage. The drugs peddled into the state by the Tren de Aragua Venezuelan gang have taken the lives of New Mexicans.  

Trump arrests Venezuelan dictator Maduro, NM Dems lose their minds Read More »

As 2026 begins, NM gas prices fall well below national average — see where

7 Comments / New Mexico, News, Politics / By

Gas prices continue to fall across New Mexico, offering welcome relief to drivers after years of volatility at the pump. According to the latest data from AAA, the statewide average price for a gallon of regular gasoline in New Mexico now sits at $2.61, well below the national average of $2.83 and significantly lower than prices seen just one year ago.

AAA data show that some rural counties are now enjoying some of the lowest gas prices not only in the state, but in the region. San Miguel County currently has the lowest average price in New Mexico at $2.23 per gallon, followed closely by Curry County at $2.38. Union County is reporting an average of $2.35, while Otero County and Rio Arriba County are both at $2.40. For many residents in these areas—where long commutes are often unavoidable—lower fuel costs provide meaningful monthly savings.

In contrast, other parts of the state continue to see much higher prices. Harding County currently has the highest average at $3.71 per gallon, more than a dollar above the statewide average. Lincoln County follows at $3.01, while Catron County averages $2.99, Grant County $2.91, Cibola County $2.89, and Quay County $2.82. These disparities highlight the uneven impact of fuel pricing across New Mexico, often driven by transportation costs, supply access, and limited competition in rural markets.

Prices in New Mexico’s larger metro areas fall somewhere in the middle. Santa Fe County and Sandoval County (Rio Rancho) both report an average of $2.41 per gallon, while Bernalillo County (Albuquerque) averages $2.53. Doña Ana County (Las Cruces) is slightly higher at $2.64, but still below the national average.

The current prices mark a sharp decline compared to recent history. One year ago, New Mexico’s average gas price stood at $2.85, meaning prices have fallen by roughly 24 cents per gallon over the past 12 months. The contrast is even more striking when compared to the state’s highest recorded average of $4.83 per gallon on June 15, 2022, during the administration of Joe Biden, when inflation and energy market disruptions hit drivers hard nationwide.

Supporters of current economic policies point to the dramatic decline as evidence of a stronger energy outlook under the booming economy driven by President Donald Trump.

Increased domestic energy production, a more favorable regulatory climate, and stabilizing global markets have all been cited as contributing factors to easing prices at the pump. While energy markets remain complex and influenced by global events, New Mexico motorists are clearly seeing tangible relief.

Lower gas prices are especially significant in a large, rural state like New Mexico, where residents often travel long distances for work, healthcare, and basic services. With fuel costs down both year-over-year and well below national levels, drivers across much of the state are finally catching a break—at least for now.

As always, AAA cautions that gas prices can fluctuate rapidly based on supply, demand, and geopolitical conditions. Still, for New Mexico families watching their budgets closely, today’s numbers represent a notable improvement from the highs of recent years and a reminder of how quickly energy costs can change.

As 2026 begins, NM gas prices fall well below national average — see where Read More »

As crime explodes, NM lawmakers face renewed pressure during 2026 session

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As crime continues to plague communities across New Mexico, state lawmakers are once again facing mounting pressure to confront what many residents describe as a growing crisis of public safety. Against a backdrop of violent crime, drug trafficking, repeat offenders, and high-profile incidents of carjackings and robberies, State Sen. Nicole Tobiassen is calling attention to what she says must become a unified, serious effort to restore safety and accountability.

In an email circulated this week, Tobiassen emphasized that public safety should not be treated as a partisan talking point, but rather as a core obligation of government. She pointed to concerns shared by families, business owners, first responders, and community leaders who say the criminal justice system is failing to protect law-abiding New Mexicans while allowing repeat offenders to cycle in and out of custody.

State Sen. Nicole Tobiassen (R-Albuquerque)

“Public safety is not a partisan issue — it is a fundamental responsibility of government,” Tobiassen wrote, adding that the consequences of rising crime are being felt in every corner of the state. She cited frustration with policies that many critics describe as “catch and release,” along with broader reforms that have weakened penalties and limited the ability of law enforcement and courts to hold violent offenders accountable.

Those concerns are at the center of an upcoming event dubbed “Public Safety Day,” an inaugural gathering set for Wednesday, January 21, at the New Mexico State Capitol. According to a formal press release issued by Senate Republican leadership, the event will take place at 11 a.m. in the Senate Finance Room and will bring together law enforcement officers, first responders, victim advocates, business owners, community organizations, and concerned citizens.

Organizers say the goal is to elevate frontline voices and push for meaningful, practical legislative action to address crime statewide. Visuals are expected to include uniformed first responders, advocates, and constituents engaging in a senator-led discussion on public safety priorities.

The event comes as New Mexico continues to struggle with some of the highest violent crime rates in the nation. From Albuquerque to smaller rural communities, residents report growing concerns over shootings, drug-related offenses, organized retail theft, and repeat criminal activity. Critics argue that a series of criminal justice reforms enacted over the past several years—often supported by progressive advocacy groups—have tilted too far toward leniency, undermining deterrence and public confidence.

While Tobiassen and other Republicans have been vocal in pushing back against what they describe as radical, open-prison policies, the broader political context is unavoidable. Democrats currently hold large majorities in both chambers of the New Mexico Legislature, and the governor’s office is also held by a Democrat. As a result, Republicans argue that responsibility for inaction—or insufficient action—on public safety ultimately rests with the party in power.

Still, Tobiassen’s message stops short of calling for partisan warfare. Instead, she frames Public Safety Day as a starting point for collaboration, urging New Mexicans of all political stripes to come together around the shared goal of safer streets and stronger communities.

“Your presence matters,” she wrote, inviting anyone who cares about the safety of their family or neighborhood to attend and be heard.

Whether the event leads to substantive policy changes remains to be seen. But as crime continues to dominate conversations at kitchen tables and city council meetings alike, pressure is building for lawmakers to move beyond rhetoric and deliver concrete solutions—solutions that balance accountability, victim protection, and public safety for all New Mexicans.

As crime explodes, NM lawmakers face renewed pressure during 2026 session Read More »

Socialist Bernie Sanders heaps praise upon NM’s taxpayer-funded freebies

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Sen. Bernie Sanders is once again holding up New Mexico as a national model — this time praising the state’s move to offer universal “free” child care — a program critics warn will saddle taxpayers with yet another expensive, open-ended government entitlement.

In a post on X last week, Sanders applauded New Mexico for becoming the first state to guarantee taxpayer-funded child care for all families, regardless of income. He framed the program as a solution to what he called a “broken” national child care system and urged other states to follow suit.

“Our broken child care system can learn a lot from New Mexico — the state that is leading the way in guaranteeing free child care for all,” Sanders wrote, according to Bezinga. “There is no better rate of return than investing in our children. The rest of the country should follow New Mexico’s lead.”

What Sanders calls an “investment,” however, critics see as another costly government expansion in one of the poorest states in the nation — one already struggling with chronic budget pressures, low educational outcomes, and heavy reliance on federal dollars.

New Mexico officially rolled out the program in November. Under the plan, families receive state-funded vouchers that cover the full cost of child care at participating providers, both public and private. Unlike previous assistance programs, the benefit has no income cap, meaning even high-earning households qualify.

The initiative is administered through the Early Childhood Education and Care Department (ECECD), which was created in 2019 and has steadily expanded its scope and spending ever since. Funding comes largely from state revenues — including oil and gas dollars — raising concerns about sustainability if energy markets decline.

Supporters argue the program will boost workforce participation and improve early childhood outcomes. But opponents question why a state where nearly 18% of residents live below the poverty line is prioritizing universal subsidies instead of targeted aid, basic academic performance, or crime reduction.

They also warn that “free” government programs are rarely free. Taxpayers ultimately foot the bill, while costs tend to balloon as eligibility expands and political pressure grows to increase benefits. Once entrenched, such programs become nearly impossible to roll back — even if they underperform or crowd out private options.

Sanders’ praise comes as other Democrat-led states and cities pursue similar policies. Connecticut recently approved child care subsidies for families earning under $100,000, while capping costs for higher earners. In New York City, incoming leadership has floated proposals for a fully government-run, no-cost child care system.

Critics say these efforts reflect a broader socialist approach to governance: expanding entitlements, centralizing services, and shifting personal and family responsibilities onto the state — all while ignoring long-term fiscal consequences.

For New Mexico, the question remains whether universal child care will meaningfully improve outcomes — or simply become another expensive program propped up by temporary revenues, growing bureaucracy, and promises future taxpayers will be forced to keep.

As Sanders pushes to export the model nationwide, skeptics argue New Mexico should first prove it can manage the basics before becoming the blueprint for the rest of the country.

Socialist Bernie Sanders heaps praise upon NM’s taxpayer-funded freebies Read More »

Court says ‘no thanks’ to state’s bid to save 7-day gun waiting period

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A federal appeals court has declined to revisit its decision striking down New Mexico’s seven-day waiting period for most firearm purchases, leaving the law blocked while the state weighs its next move.

Earlier this week, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit denied a request from state attorneys to rehear the case before the full court, known as an en banc review. That request followed an August ruling by a three-judge panel that concluded New Mexico’s 2024 “Waiting Period Act” violates the Second Amendment.

The decision means the appeals court’s earlier ruling remains in effect, temporarily halting enforcement of the law, which required most gun buyers to wait seven days before taking possession of a firearm.

In a dissent accompanying the court’s refusal to grant a rehearing, Appeals Court Judge Richard E.N. Federico argued the panel’s decision disregarded what he described as serious public safety concerns tied to firearms regulation in New Mexico. Federico wrote that the law was enacted in response to high levels of gun violence and was intended to curb impulsive acts of violence and suicide.

Federico also warned that the ruling could create legal uncertainty within the Tenth Circuit, noting it may conflict with earlier appellate decisions upholding certain firearm restrictions in other states. He said the outcome could complicate how lower courts address future Second Amendment challenges across the region.

“This appears to be the first time the Tenth Circuit has struck down a firearms statute as unconstitutional under the Second Amendment,” Federico wrote, adding that the ruling could have “widespread ramifications” beyond New Mexico, as reported by the Albuquerque Journal.

The law at issue was signed in 2024 by Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham and applied broadly to firearm purchases statewide, with limited exceptions for concealed carry permit holders and transfers between immediate family members.

The case originated when two New Mexico residents challenged the law shortly after it took effect. A federal district court initially upheld the statute, but the plaintiffs prevailed on appeal. One of the challengers, Samuel Ortega, argued that the law imposed an indiscriminate waiting period even on individuals who pass background checks immediately, distinguishing it from other firearm regulations upheld in court.

In his dissent, Federico also cautioned against relying on potential future intervention by the U.S. Supreme Court to resolve the issue, warning that the absence of a rehearing leaves Second Amendment jurisprudence unsettled within the circuit.

The Tenth Circuit’s jurisdiction covers New Mexico, Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, Utah, and Wyoming.

Following the latest court action, New Mexico House Republicans issued a sharp rebuke of the governor’s gun control efforts.

“The courts just shut down the Governor’s gun control push…again. A federal appeals court refused to back Governor Lujan Grisham and told the lower court to suspend the 7-day waiting period while the case continues. Blaming law-abiding gun owners for crime isn’t just bad policy, it doesn’t hold up in court. Despite this ruling, will progressive lawmakers continue to pursue more of these unconstitutional gun control bills during the 2026 legislative session?”

For now, the seven-day waiting period remains unenforceable as the state considers whether to seek review by the U.S. Supreme Court or pursue other legal avenues.

Court says ‘no thanks’ to state’s bid to save 7-day gun waiting period Read More »

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