New Mexico

New ad torches Gabe Vasquez for voting against NM funds, then taking credit

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EXCLUSIVE — The National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) is launching a new paid digital advertising campaign targeting far-left Democrat Gabe Vasquez, accusing him of voting against millions of dollars in federal funding for southern New Mexico communities—then attempting to take credit for the very projects he opposed.

According to the NRCC, the new ads focus on Vasquez’s vote against nearly $2 million in targeted community funding, including $1 million for improvements to the Town of Mesilla Town Hall and $850,000 for workforce training in Bayard. Despite voting “no,” Vasquez later publicly touted the funding as a win for his district.

“Gabe Vasquez voted against critical federal funds for New Mexico and then tried to take credit for wins he had nothing to do with,” said NRCC spokesman Reilly Richardson in a statement. “New Mexicans deserve honest representation who will fight for them, not a shameless political opportunist who will say and do anything to get elected.”

The digital ad campaign uses blunt language, accusing Vasquez of “gambling with New Mexicans’ lives” and highlighting his vote to block funding intended for job training and local infrastructure—priorities that are particularly critical in rural and border-region communities across New Mexico’s Second Congressional District.

The NRCC’s latest attack builds on a growing record of votes that Republicans say show Vasquez is out of step with his constituents. As previously reported by the Piñon Post in November during the prolonged Democrat federal government shutdown, Vasquez voted against legislation that ultimately delivered more than $32 million in funding to communities and military installations tied to NM-02.

That earlier vote came after a 42-day government shutdown that disrupted federal operations nationwide and left thousands of New Mexicans—including TSA agents, border personnel, and military families—working without pay. While a bipartisan agreement eventually ended the shutdown, Vasquez voted against the final package.

According to information shared exclusively with the Piñon Post, the legislation Vasquez opposed included funding for several major installations and projects, such as Cannon Air Force Base, Holloman Air Force Base, and Kirtland Air Force Base, as well as the Mesilla and Bayard projects now featured in the NRCC ad. In total, the bill included more than $32 million in investments benefiting southern New Mexico.

Political operatives note that Vasquez’s vote is especially vulnerable to attack because it included funding he had personally requested or discussed with local leaders. Delanie Bomar, a former New Mexico GOP staffer now working at the Republican National Committee, previously told the Piñon Post that Vasquez opposed $1.85 million for his own communities—including funds tied to meetings he held with Mesilla officials and the National Center for Frontier Communities.

National strategists say the message that Vasquez “went to Washington and forgot about New Mexicans” resonates strongly in NM-02, a district known for tight elections and limited patience for lawmakers perceived as prioritizing party ideology over local needs.

With the new digital ads, Republicans are signaling they intend to make Vasquez’s voting record a central issue heading into the next election cycle. In a district where military installations, workforce development, and small-town infrastructure are economic lifelines, opponents argue that voting against those investments—and then claiming credit afterward—could prove politically costly.

As the NRCC’s campaign rolls out online, Vasquez’s record during the shutdown and his opposition to local funding are likely to remain front and center in one of New Mexico’s most competitive congressional races.

New ad torches Gabe Vasquez for voting against NM funds, then taking credit Read More »

Sue-happy leftist group hides behind Rio Grande cooter turtle to hit oil and gas

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A radical environmental advocacy group with a long track record of using the Endangered Species Act (ESA) as a litigation weapon is once again targeting New Mexico’s water, energy, and agricultural sectors—this time over a freshwater turtle.

According to Source New Mexico, the Center for Biological Diversity filed a federal lawsuit on Jan. 8 against the Trump administration, arguing that federal officials failed to list the Rio Grande cooter as an endangered or threatened species. The lawsuit, filed in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, challenges a 2022 determination by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service that the turtle did not warrant ESA protection.

The Rio Grande cooter is a freshwater turtle found in portions of the Pecos and Rio Grande river basins in New Mexico, Texas, and Mexico. In its complaint, the Center alleges that federal officials ignored “mounting evidence” and acted unlawfully by declining to list the species under the ESA, a decision that—if reversed—could unlock sweeping federal authority over water use, land management, and energy development across large swaths of the Southwest. 

In a statement provided to Source New Mexico, Center attorney Camila Cossío accused federal officials of failing to protect what she described as an “irreplaceable” species. She claimed the turtle is threatened by “climate change,” oil and gas activity, and water usage, arguing that ESA protections could “save them” through federal conservation and breeding programs.

But critics argue that the Center’s lawsuit follows a familiar and controversial playbook: identify a species with a limited range, demand ESA protections, and then leverage federal law to restrict farming, ranching, water rights, and energy production—often regardless of local economic consequences.

The Center itself openly acknowledges that its strategy relies on aggressive litigation. Its complaint alleges that oil and gas development in the Permian Basin, dam construction, irrigation, and groundwater use are key threats to the turtle. If the group succeeds, ESA protections could be used to challenge water deliveries to farmers, impose new permitting hurdles on energy producers, and further constrain already scarce water resources in southeastern New Mexico.

According to Source New Mexico, Cossío also claimed in a phone interview that the turtle’s slow maturation rate makes population declines harder to detect, while pointing to pollution and climate impacts as justification for federal intervention. She further cited federal data showing an increase in the international export of the turtles—from roughly 20 in 2016 to more than 350 by 2020—arguing that even limited collection has ripple effects across generations.

The lawsuit goes well beyond export concerns. The Center argues that federal regulators underestimated climate change impacts, failed to account for potential feminization of turtle eggs due to temperature changes, and improperly downplayed habitat fragmentation and salinity increases in the Pecos River—many of which the group links directly to energy development and water use.

For New Mexicans, the implications are familiar and troubling. Past ESA-driven lawsuits have resulted in reduced grazing access, curtailed water deliveries, delayed infrastructure projects, and increased regulatory uncertainty—often hitting rural communities the hardest. Farmers, ranchers, and small energy operators have repeatedly warned that such lawsuits prioritize ideological environmental goals over human livelihoods and local economic stability.

As the case moves forward, it is likely to reignite a broader debate over whether the ESA is being used as Congress intended—or as a blunt instrument by well-funded activist groups seeking to impose sweeping environmental controls through the courts rather than the legislative process.

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See what’s inside Democrats’ most radical anti-gun omnibus bill yet

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Even before the 2026 New Mexico Legislative Session officially begins, far-left lawmakers have moved to prefile what gun-rights advocates are calling the most sweeping anti-firearms proposal in state history.

According to a press release issued this week by the New Mexico Shooting Sports Association, an omnibus gun control measure has been prefiled in the Senate, sponsored by Democrat Sen. Bill O’Malley, Sen. Peter Wirth, Sen. Heather Berghmans, and Rep. Andrea Romero. While the legislation has not yet been assigned a bill number, its contents are already drawing sharp backlash from Second Amendment supporters across the state.

Zac Fort, legislative director for NMSSA, warned that the proposal represents a dramatic escalation in gun control efforts by Democrats who already hold commanding majorities in both chambers of the Legislature.

“This bill isn’t about public safety,” Fort said in the organization’s statement. “It’s about control — and about restricting lawful gun ownership for everyday New Mexicans.”

The prefiled legislation would enact a broad slate of new prohibitions and mandates, many of which gun-rights advocates say mirror policies pushed by national gun-control organizations rather than reflecting New Mexico’s rural, hunting-oriented culture.

Among the most controversial provisions, the bill would ban the sale of semi-automatic rifles — a category that includes many of the most commonly owned firearms in the country. It would also prohibit the sale of magazines capable of holding more than 10 rounds, further restricting equipment that is currently legal under both state and federal law.

The bill goes even further by banning the sale of .50 caliber ammunition, a move critics argue is symbolic rather than practical, given how rarely such ammunition is used in crimes. Gun-rights advocates say the provision underscores the ideological nature of the legislation rather than any data-driven approach to crime reduction.

In addition to outright bans, the proposal would create a state-level database of firearm transactions conducted through federally licensed firearms dealers (FFLs), raising significant privacy and constitutional concerns. The bill would also impose extensive new state regulations on FFLs, layering additional requirements on businesses that already operate under strict federal oversight.

One particularly contentious provision would require FFLs to immediately report to the state whenever an individual purchases more than one firearm within a five-day period — effectively expanding gun-owner monitoring and creating what critics describe as a backdoor registry.

Fort cautioned that the legislation appears designed to overwhelm opposition by bundling numerous restrictions into a single omnibus bill, making it more difficult for lawmakers or the public to debate individual provisions on their merits.

“This is the most aggressive approach we’ve seen yet,” Fort said. “It’s designed to move as much gun control as possible, as fast as possible.”

NMSSA is urging New Mexicans to engage directly with legislators once the bill is formally introduced. Rather than relying on pre-written form emails, the organization recommends that constituents write personalized messages, noting that mass emails are increasingly filtered out or ignored.

As Democrats continue to advance gun control proposals year after year, critics argue the question facing the 2026 session is no longer whether lawmakers will pursue new firearm restrictions — but how far they are willing to go, and how much of New Mexicans’ constitutional rights they are prepared to sacrifice in the process.

See what’s inside Democrats’ most radical anti-gun omnibus bill yet Read More »

NM man faces 30 years in prison for $650K COVID relief scam

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An Alamogordo man has pleaded guilty in federal court to orchestrating an extensive fraud scheme that exploited COVID-19 pandemic relief programs, netting more than $650,000 through fabricated businesses, falsified records, and false statements to lenders and the federal government.

According to court documents filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of New Mexico, 63-year-old Scott A. Spiro carried out the scheme between at least April 2020 and December 2021, during a period when the federal government was rapidly distributing emergency aid to help legitimate small businesses survive pandemic-related shutdowns. Instead of using the funds as intended, prosecutors said Spiro diverted the money for personal expenses — including the purchase of two residential properties in southern New Mexico.

Federal authorities say Spiro submitted multiple fraudulent applications under the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) and the Economic Injury Disaster Loan (EIDL) program, both authorized by Congress through the CARES Act. Those programs were designed to provide emergency financial assistance to small businesses that maintained employees and payroll during the pandemic.

To carry out the fraud, Spiro created several shell companies that were not legitimate operating businesses, had no employees, and paid no wages. Among the entities used in the scheme were Scott A. Spiro JD, LLC; Pacifica Law Clinic, LLC; Spiro Enterprises of NM, LLC; Pacifica Funding Corporation; and Accounting Advisors.

Using these entities, Spiro submitted multiple loan applications and loan forgiveness requests to private lenders and the Small Business Administration. In those filings, he admitted to making material misrepresentations about critical details such as when the companies were established, how many employees they had, how much payroll they paid, and their reported revenues.

Prosecutors said Spiro supported the false applications with a wide array of falsified documents, including fabricated IRS forms, payroll records, bank statements, and filings purportedly submitted to the New Mexico Secretary of State. These misrepresentations led lenders and the federal government to approve and disburse more than $650,000 in pandemic relief funds.

Rather than using the money for eligible business expenses such as payroll, rent, or utilities, Spiro admitted that he used the funds to pay personal debts and cover private expenses. He also acknowledged engaging in money laundering by conducting at least two financial transactions exceeding $10,000 using criminally derived funds. Those transactions included the purchase of residential properties in Alamogordo and Ruidoso, authorities said.

Spiro pleaded guilty to eight federal felony counts, including three counts of wire fraud, three counts of making false statements to a financial institution, and two counts of money laundering. Each of the wire fraud and false statement charges carries significant potential penalties, and the money laundering convictions substantially increase his sentencing exposure.

At sentencing, which has not yet been scheduled, Spiro faces a maximum possible penalty of up to 30 years in federal prison, in addition to fines and an order to pay restitution to the government.

The case was announced by Acting U.S. Attorney Ryan Ellison for the District of New Mexico and Jarom Gregory, Acting Special Agent in Charge of IRS Criminal Investigation’s Phoenix Field Office. The investigation was conducted by IRS Criminal Investigation with assistance from the Social Security Administration.

Federal officials emphasized that pandemic relief fraud remains a top enforcement priority, noting that funds stolen through such schemes directly undermine programs intended to support struggling businesses and workers during a national emergency. The U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of New Mexico is prosecuting the case.

Chris Edwards, felon and self-dubbed ‘progressive,’ attacks Otero conservatives

NM man faces 30 years in prison for $650K COVID relief scam Read More »

From open borders to justice: Trump era slaps NM illegal aliens with charges

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Federal prosecutors in New Mexico reported a sharp uptick in immigration and border-related criminal charges this week, reflecting continued emphasis on interior enforcement and border security under the Trump administration.

According to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of New Mexico, led by Ryan Ellison, federal authorities brought charges in the first two weeks of January including 85 counts of illegal reentry after deportation, 96 counts of illegal entry, 5 counts of alien smuggling, and 28 additional counts tied to illegal entry in a National Defense Area — an area recently designated under special military border security jurisdiction. Many of those charged under illegal reentry statutes had prior convictions for serious offenses such as burglary, drug possession, assault and fraud. 

The prosecutions — carried out with the U.S. Border Patrol’s El Paso Sector, Homeland Security Investigations El Paso, and local law enforcement — are part of “Operation Take Back America,” a nationwide Department of Justice initiative aimed at curbing illegal immigration and dismantling criminal networks at and near the border.

The weekly data, which cover only cases prosecuted by the District of New Mexico, are not inclusive of all border apprehensions or administrative removals, but they point to intensified criminal enforcement in a region that shares roughly 180 miles of the international boundary with Mexico.

Federal officials emphasized that public safety and securing the border remain top priorities under current leadership. “Enhanced enforcement both at the border and in the interior of the district have yielded aliens engaged in unlawful activity or with serious criminal history, including human trafficking, sexual assault and violence against children,” the office said in its statement.

The New Mexico data align with broader national trends suggesting lower levels of undocumented migration since President Trump took office in January 2025. According to U.S. Department of Homeland Security statistics, southwest border crossings and encounters dropped significantly in fiscal year 2025, reaching levels not seen in decades, as enforcement policies tightened and border management practices changed substantially. 

Nationwide apprehensions between ports of entry declined sharply year-over-year, with southwest border encounters falling to a forecasted lowest level in more than 50 years. From the start of Trump’s second term, the administration has significantly increased Border Patrol personnel and resources dedicated to interception, processing and removal. These efforts have corresponded with successive months in which Border Patrol reported minimal releases into the interior and a larger share of migrants processed for expedited removal or repatriation. 

The drop in illegal crossings follows political and policy shifts aimed at reversing what critics characterized as lax enforcement under the prior administration. In contrast to catch-and-release practices that were widespread in 2023–2024, the current administration has instituted policies that aim to minimize unlawful entry and deter repeat attempts, including expanded use of expedited removal and military support in certain border zones. 

Local prosecutors in New Mexico also noted the continuing involvement of military-designated National Defense Areas along the border, which allow enhanced operational flexibility for federal agents responding to incursions and criminal activity. Violations of these zones, which include prohibited entry into strategically critical contexts, can result in additional charges, as reflected in several recent indictments. 

Despite successes in reducing crossings, border policy remains politically contentious. Immigration advocacy groups and some lawmakers argue that enforcement practices must be balanced with humanitarian considerations and legal protections, especially for families and asylum seekers. Yet federal law enforcement officials maintain that the priority is safeguarding communities and maintaining control of the border.

As enforcement actions continue into the new year, federal prosecutors and agents across New Mexico and the southwest are expected to maintain a high tempo of operations, pairing interior criminal prosecutions with border interdictions designed to sustain low levels of unauthorized entry and disrupt smuggling networks.

From open borders to justice: Trump era slaps NM illegal aliens with charges Read More »

Leftist mob storms ABQ ICE facility after MN woman shot trying to run over agent

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A small but aggressive protest organized by far-left activists outside a federal immigration facility in Albuquerque devolved into physical confrontations Friday, prompting federal officials to declare an unlawful assembly and detain two demonstrators.

According to reporting by Source New Mexico, roughly 20 protesters gathered outside the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office on Albuquerque’s south side in response to the fatal shooting of 37-year-old Renee Good by an ICE officer earlier this week in Minnesota. The protest was organized by Dare to Struggle New Mexico, a self-described “anti-imperialist” group that has previously advocated confrontational tactics.

Using a megaphone, organizer Lizzie Nutig urged demonstrators to obstruct federal operations, declaring, “We want to block and get crazy for them,” and insisting that ICE needed to know “people are mad,” according to Source New Mexico. Organizers and participants led chants such as “Be like Renee and get in the way,” “Fuera ICE,” and “Smash the mass deportation machine,” several of which included profanity.

Within minutes, protesters approached the facility’s gates, hanging photos of the ICE agent involved in the Minnesota shooting and an image of President Donald Trump defaced with a hand-written expletive. Federal officials then intervened, pushing protesters away from the fence and ordering them to remain on the sidewalk. One individual was detained at that point, Source New Mexico reported.

Additional federal agents wearing camouflage and Enforcement and Removal Operations patches later emerged from the building carrying pepper spray and non-lethal weapons. Protesters shouted insults at officers, including “Do you like hurting people?” and “Go to hell.”

Tensions escalated further when agents moved toward protester Adeo Herrick after he shouted profanities. As other demonstrators attempted to interfere, one agent discharged pepper spray, striking himself and at least one protester. Herrick was taken to the ground and carried into the facility by multiple agents. He later provided his name to the outlet.

Shortly after 12:40 p.m., a Federal Protective Service vehicle announced over a loudspeaker that the gathering had been declared an unlawful assembly and ordered protesters and media to disperse or face arrest.

Organizers Nutig and Brian McQuaid later told Source New Mexico they were unsure whether charges would be filed and said they were consulting attorneys. In a statement, they demanded the release of the detained protesters and called for the arrest of federal officers involved.

The Albuquerque protest came as new video footage surfaced in the Minnesota shooting that sparked the outrage. According to Fox News, the video shows Good behind the wheel of her vehicle while an ICE agent stands directly in front of it. As Good begins to drive forward, the agent is heard reacting just moments before shots are fired. Federal officials have said Good attempted to ram the agent, while critics claim she was trying to flee.

In New Mexico, Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham issued a statement calling for a “thorough and transparent investigation” into Good’s death while voicing support for protesters—so long as demonstrations remain peaceful.

“Protest is fundamental to democracy,” the governor said, adding that violence is unacceptable.

Neither the governor’s office nor the Department of Homeland Security immediately responded to follow-up questions about Friday’s protest or the conduct of demonstrators who openly called for blocking federal law enforcement operations.

The episode underscores how radical activist groups are increasingly lionizing confrontational—and even dangerous—behavior, despite clear evidence that Good advanced her vehicle toward a federal officer, a fact at the center of the ongoing investigation.

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Lujan Grisham finally appoints name for vacated southern NM state Senate seat

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After weeks of mounting pressure from Republicans and just days before the start of New Mexico’s 30-day legislative session, Democrat Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham on Tuesday announced her appointment to fill the long-vacant Senate District 33 seat in southern New Mexico.

The governor selected Rex Wilson of Ancho to serve as state senator for District 33, which includes Lincoln, Otero, and Chaves counties. The announcement came only after repeated public calls from Republicans urging the governor to act before the looming capital outlay deadline and the start of session, arguing that continued delays were disadvantaging a heavily Republican district.

The seat has been vacant since the resignation of former Sen. Nicholas Paul more than two months ago. During that time, multiple candidates were reportedly vetted and interviewed, but no appointment was made, prompting criticism that the governor was intentionally stalling for political reasons.

Earlier this week, the Republican Party of New Mexico issued a sharp press release demanding that Lujan Grisham nominate a replacement by the end of the week, warning that continued inaction would leave District 33 without a voice during one of the most consequential legislative sessions in years. Republicans specifically pointed to the January 12 capital outlay deadline, noting that without a sitting senator, communities in the district risked losing out on critical infrastructure funding.

“There’s really no excuse for the governor to stall this nomination,” said RPNM Executive Director Leticia Muñoz in the release. “This will hurt the people of SD-33 if they do not have representation by the capital outlay deadline.”

Within days of that pressure, the governor made her decision.

Wilson, a former two-term Lincoln County commissioner, brings a background in healthcare administration and rural advocacy to the Senate. According to the announcement, he spent 18 years working as a healthcare administrator and previously directed early childhood services at Presbyterian Health Services. He is also a multigenerational rancher and the founder of Camp Sierra Blanca at Fort Stanton, an alternative education program for at-risk youth.

Senate Republican Leader Bill Sharer (R-Farmington) praised the appointment, saying Wilson would be a strong addition to the caucus and emphasizing the importance of restoring representation to the district ahead of session.

“I extend my gratitude and congratulations to Rex Wilson, who will do a fantastic job serving the people of Senate District 33,” Sharer said. “I am pleased that New Mexicans in Senate District 33 will have representation heading into this upcoming Legislative Session.”

Wilson echoed that sentiment in his own statement, saying he was “humbled and honored” by the appointment and eager to get to work.

“I look forward to getting meaningful things done for my fellow community members and the citizens of our great state of New Mexico,” Wilson said.

NM State Sen. Rex Wilson (R-Ancho, District 33)

The appointment follows a competitive selection process that included several high-profile Republican contenders, including Rep. John Block (R-Alamogordo) and Lincoln County Commissioner Martin Fisher, who were selected by Otero and Lincoln Counties, respectively.

In a statement following the announcement, Block struck a defiant tone, emphasizing that while he was not selected, his resolve and convictions remain unchanged.

“The appointment has been made, but the people have already chosen me,” Block said. “I will keep fighting in the House: louder, stronger, and without apology. No, I wasn’t selected, not because of ability, but because standing firm for conservative values comes with a political cost. I won’t compromise who I am to gain a title. I don’t need permission to lead. This wasn’t a setback. It was confirmation. I’m not going anywhere — and I’m just getting started.”

With the appointment finalized, Senate District 33 will now enter the 2026 legislative session with representation — albeit after what Republicans argue was an unnecessary delay that forced the governor’s hand under public pressure.

Editor’s Note: State Rep. Block is the editor and founder of the Piñon Post.

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From turf bans to AI rules: a look at what lawmakers have prefiled before session

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With New Mexico’s 30-day legislative session set to convene on January 20, lawmakers have already begun shaping the policy agenda through a series of prefiled House bills. While prefiling does not guarantee that legislation will advance, it often signals which proposals leadership hopes to move quickly during the short session, where time constraints limit lengthy debate.

The early slate of bills touches on a wide range of issues, including landscaping mandates on state property, firearm restrictions tied to juvenile records, artificial intelligence regulation, public library oversight, lobbying disclosures, and agricultural property taxes. Together, they offer a preview of the policy direction lawmakers may pursue in the weeks ahead — and raise questions about cost, enforcement, and the expanding role of state government.

One of the more notable prefiled measures is House Bill 23, sponsored by Rep. Kathleen Cates (D-Rio Rancho). The bill would prohibit the installation of what it defines as “nonfunctional turf” on property managed by the General Services Department or the Legislative Council Service beginning in 2028. It further restricts irrigation of such turf to recycled or reclaimed water starting in 2033 and requires removed turf to be replaced with drought- or climate-resilient landscaping. “Nonfunctional turf” is defined as irrigated grass that “has no recreational purpose, is not accessible or is primarily decorative.” 

Unlike a similar proposal introduced during the 2025 session that would have applied to cities and counties statewide — and ultimately failed — the new bill is limited to state-managed property. Even so, the legislation includes a $3.5 million general fund appropriation to carry out its provisions, prompting scrutiny over whether landscaping decisions warrant new spending commitments.

Firearm policy is also part of the early agenda. House Bill 25, also sponsored by Cates, expands restrictions by treating certain juvenile delinquency dispositions involving firearms as criminal convictions for the purpose of firearm possession. The bill requires those records to be transmitted to the FBI’s National Instant Criminal Background Check System for up to ten years, regardless of whether the individual was sentenced as an adult.

Supporters describe the measure as a public safety tool, while critics argue it alters long-standing distinctions between juvenile adjudications and adult convictions.

Emerging technology regulation appears in House Bill 28, sponsored by Rep. Christine Chandler (D-Los Alamos). The bill enacts the “Artificial Intelligence Transparency Act,” requiring disclosure when artificial intelligence systems are used to make “consequential decisions” involving areas such as employment, housing, education, lending, health care, or legal services. It also mandates notice and appeal rights for consumers and imposes requirements on AI “companion products,” with violations classified as unfair trade practices.

The scope of the bill has raised questions about compliance costs and enforcement authority.

Cultural and governance issues surface in House Bill 26, which prohibits “book banning” at public libraries and conditions state funding on compliance. The bill restricts the removal of materials based on content or viewpoint and assigns enforcement to the state’s cultural affairs department, which would extend to even pornographic books and other inappropriate material that currently exists in public school libraries.

Other prefiled legislation includes House Bill 35, which expands lobbying disclosure requirements and mandates detailed reporting within 48 hours, with records preserved for at least ten years, which previously failed, and House Bill 37, which adjusts agricultural property tax valuation when water shortages result from man-made infrastructure failures in special water districts.

As lawmakers prepare to return to Santa Fe, these early filings offer a first look at the policy debates likely to unfold under the tight timelines of a 30-day session — and the balance the Legislature will strike between regulation, cost, and state oversight.

From turf bans to AI rules: a look at what lawmakers have prefiled before session Read More »

GOP candidate touts DTS primary law upon qualifying for governor’s race ballot

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The campaign of Republican gubernatorial candidate Duke Rodriguez announced this week that it has exceeded the number of signatures required to qualify for New Mexico’s June 2 Republican primary. It is unclear at this time which other GOP campaigns have also crossed the threshold. 

Under New Mexico election law, Republican candidates for governor must collect at least 2,351 signatures from registered Republicans — a figure equal to 2 percent of Republicans who voted in the last gubernatorial primary. Rodriguez’s campaign said it had gathered more than 6,000 total signatures.

According to the campaign, nearly 5,000 of those signatures came from registered Republicans who personally accessed the Secretary of State’s online system, verified their voter information, and formally declared their nominee. 

“This wasn’t about checking a box. It was about earning trust,” Rodriguez said in a statement. “Every signature represents a real person who took time to participate, engage, and make their voice heard. That matters.”

While the signature requirement applies only to registered Republicans, the upcoming primary will be the first conducted under New Mexico’s semi-open primary system — a significant change to the state’s electoral process. As of Dec. 31, 2025, voters registered as Decline to State or unaffiliated made up more than 27 percent of New Mexico’s electorate.

Under the new law, unaffiliated voters will, for the first time, be able to choose either a Republican or Democrat ballot and participate directly in primary elections. Rodriguez applauded the law change, saying his campaign views it as an opportunity to broaden engagement and bring new voices into the process.

“When you look at the names behind those signatures — Smith and Johnson, Williams and Brown, Garcia, Martinez, and Rodriguez, Begay and Yazzie — you see the full story of New Mexico,” Rodriguez said. “Different roots, different experiences, but shared values and shared hopes for the future of this state.”

Rodriguez emphasized that his campaign is focused on inclusivity and respect for voters across party lines, particularly independents.

With ballot access now secured, the Rodriguez campaign says it will shift its focus toward statewide voter outreach, messaging, and coalition-building ahead of the June 2 primary election.

GOP candidate touts DTS primary law upon qualifying for governor’s race ballot Read More »

ABQ wokies, NM House speaker melt down after Maduro capture by Trump

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Far-left activists in Albuquerque and New Mexico House Speaker Javier Martínez (D-Albuquerque) erupted in protests and online tirades over the weekend following the dramatic capture of Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro, exposing what critics describe as another public meltdown fueled by none other than what many call “Trump Derangement Syndrome.”

According to reporting by KOAT-TV, demonstrations broke out in Albuquerque and other U.S. cities after U.S. officials confirmed Maduro and his wife were taken into custody during a late-night operation. Protesters in New Mexico condemned the move, despite Maduro facing long-standing U.S. indictments alleging narco-terrorism, drug trafficking, and collaboration with foreign terrorist organizations. Interestingly, it was Joe Biden who raised the bounty for Maduro’s arrest to $25 million in 2025 before leaving office — which was later increased to $50 million by President Trump.

“Regardless of what Maduro has done, I don’t think the situation is just, and I don’t think America has the right to act as global policemen,” one Albuquerque protester told KOAT during a march that began near Robinson Park and continued toward Civic Plaza, despite many of them supporting armament of Ukraine against Russia’s invasion and other global wars. The actions in Venezuela were not in any way acts of war, and if they were, there would be counter-offensives. However, those don’t exist.

U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez of the Second Congressional District erroneously claimed Trump committed an “act of war” in a lengthy statement, equating the capture of the bloodthirsty Venezuelan dictator to wars in the Middle East.

Hundreds of demonstrators carried picket signs and chalked slogans along city sidewalks, arguing that the United States acted unlawfully and accusing the federal government of misusing taxpayer dollars. Protester Samuel Walling told KOAT he believed the operation had nothing to do with crime or security.

“I mean, supposedly terrorism, but we’re mainly there to get oil,” Walling said, without evidence. “That’s how I see it personally.”

While activists in New Mexico decried the operation, KOAT reported that reactions elsewhere in the country were far more supportive. In Pasadena, California, Venezuelan expatriate Amara Barroeta described the moment as long-awaited accountability for a regime accused of crushing political opposition and fueling international drug trafficking.

“This is a moment that we have been waiting for for many, many years,” Barroeta told KOAT. “We’ve fought for many years for our freedom, and we’re glad that there’s help.”

Back in New Mexico, protesters also argued that federal funds should be spent domestically rather than on international enforcement actions. “A bunch of people at this park right now are literally homeless,” protester Keegan Kloer said. “I think that’s a terrible way to spend money,” according to KOAT’s coverage. It is unclear if Kloer and others will denounce the wasted funds on global freebies, such as those with the now-defunct USAID alleged grifting scheme, which was dismantled by President Trump.

But the loudest reaction came not from the streets, but from the Roundhouse.

House Speaker Javier Martínez unleashed a social media tirade, calling the capture a “kidnapping” and accusing President Trump of acting out of greed and distraction rather than law enforcement.

“This isn’t about drugs. It’s not even about Maduro being a dictator,” Martínez wrote on Facebook. “This is about Venezuela’s oil… Period.”

In a follow-up post, Martínez escalated his rhetoric further, calling Trump and his administration “reckless” and “idiotic,” while speculating—without evidence—that Cuba would be “next.”

Critics quickly pointed out that Martínez’s statements ignore the unsealed federal indictment against Maduro, which alleges decades of large-scale cocaine trafficking into the United States, partnerships with cartels and terrorist groups, and the use of Venezuela’s government infrastructure to facilitate narco-terrorism.

As protests continue and Democrat leaders, such as Second Congressional District U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez, remain openly hostile to the operation, the divide in New Mexico mirrors a broader national split—between those who view Maduro’s capture as overdue accountability and those who appear more outraged by Trump than by the alleged crimes of a foreign drug lord now facing U.S. justice.

ABQ wokies, NM House speaker melt down after Maduro capture by Trump Read More »

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